LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class 


LIFE  OF 

> 

CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

REAR  ADMIRAL 

1807-1877 

BY  HIS  SON 

CAPTAIN  CHARLES  H.  DAVIS,  U.  S.  N. 


BOSTON   AND   NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 


1899 


COPYRIGHT,  1899,  BY  CHARLES   HENRY  DAVIS 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTEE 

PAQE 

I.  BIRTH  AND  ANTECEDENTS  — -  MIDSHIPMAN  —  THE  FRIGATE 

UNITED  STATES ! 

II.   CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN 12 

III.  THE   DOLPHIN  —  THE    UNITED   STATES  —  THE   ERIE  — 

EXAMINATION 39 

IV.  SAILING-MASTER   AND    LIEUTENANT  —  THE    ONTARIO  — 

THE  VlNCENNES     AND   VERMONT  —  THE   INDEPENDENCE         53 

V.   THE  COAST  SURVEY  AND  THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC    .     .  74 

VI.   COMMANDER  —  VARIOUS  DUTIES  — THE  SAINT  MARY'S   .  94 

VII.   THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861 114 

VIII.   WASHINGTON  IN  1861 141 

IX.  THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION 153 

X.   PORT  ROYAL  —  Continued 190 

XI.   FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS 216 

XII.     VlCKSBURG   AND   THE   RAM   ARKANSAS 254 

XIII.  THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION 283 

XIV.  THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY 315 

XV.  CONCLUSION 331 

339 


LIFE  OF  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH     AND    ANTECEDENTS  —  MIDSHIPMAN — THE    FRIGATE 
UNITED  STATES 

IF  an  excuse  be  needed  for  a  life  of  Admiral  Davis 
twenty  years  after  his  death,  it  may,  perhaps,  be  found 
in  the  interest  which  now  attaches,  after  the  lapse  of  a 
generation  of  time,  to  the  period  of  the  civil  war,  and 
to  even  the  most  trivial  circumstances  connected  with 
that  momentous  struggle.  This  interest  will  increase 
with  the  disappearance  of  the  active  participants  in  the 
war,  so  that  the  intimate  biography  of  an  officer  who 
rose  to  immediate  distinction,  and  who  commanded  in 
chief  in  the  only  general  naval  engagements  fought 
during  the  whole  four  years  of  the  war,  cannot  be  con 
sidered,  even  now,  as  out  of  place,  and  may  become  in 
the  future  of  real  historical  value.  So  much  of  this 
work  as  bears  upon  the  period  of  the  war  is  a  mere 
transcription  of  the  admiral's  private  letters  written  at 
the  time,  with  such  notes  as  are  necessary  to  give  an 
appearance  of  continuity  to  a  desultory  private  corre 
spondence  written  for  family  perusal  and  with  no  idea 
of  its  publication.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  enter 
into  a  historical  review  of  even  those  operations  of  the 


2  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

war  in  which  the  admiral  was  actively  engaged.  The 
letters  may  be  regarded  rather  as  a  possible  material  for 
history  than  as  history  itself ;  but  I  believe  that  they 
will  serve  to  throw  some  light  on  events,  and  are  in 
themselves  sufficiently  interesting  for  publication. 

Admiral  Davis' s  claim  to  distinction  does  not  rest  on 
his  achievements  during  the  civil  war  alone.  He  came 
forward  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  because  he  was 
already  known.  His  reputation  was  enough  to  lift  him 
at  once  from  a  position  of  official  obscurity,  and  the 
work  put  upon  him  raised  him  to  the  highest  rank  as 
soon  as  the  grade  of  admiral  was  created.  The  vote  of 
thanks  and  the  rear  admiral's  commission  came  within 
less  than  two  years  of  the  beginning  of  the  war. 
He  served  throughout  the  whole  four  years  in  positions 
of  the  highest  responsibility  in  the  field  of  action  and 
in  the  council,  and  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  the  war 
that  he  returned  to  the  labors  which  were  most  con 
genial  to  him ;  but  he  was  all  his  life  a  student  and  a 
man  of  science.  It  was  his  previous  work  on  the  Coast 
Survey,  and  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  hydro 
graphy  of  the  coast,  which  enabled  him  to  buoy  out 
the  channel  for  Du  Font's  victorious  fleet  at  Port 
Eoyal.  In  the  midst  of  his  war's  duties  the  influence 
which  had  been  acquired  by  success  in  battle  was 
directed  toward  the  foundation  of  a  national  academy 
of  sciences,  and  he  died  in  harness  at  the  head  of  one 
of  the  great  scientific  establishments  of  the  govern 
ment. 

The  family  of  Davis  was  settled  in  New  England  as 
early  as  1630.  The  admiral's  direct  ancestor  was  a 


BIRTH  AND  ANTECEDENTS  3 

freeman  of  Barnstable  in  1638,  and  here  the  family 
remained  for  four  generations,  intermarrying  with  the 
English  of  New  England,  so  that  the  admiral  was  of 
purely  English  and  New  England  Puritan  descent. 
The  family  probably  came  from  Northamptonshire. 
The  admiral's  grandfather  was  a  magistrate  and  lead 
ing  citizen  of  Barnstable.  He  lived  to  be  eighty-six 
years  of  age,  highly  respected  in  the  community,  and 
held  the  office  of  judge  of  common  pleas,  the  first  in 
Barnstable  County.  He  married  twice  and  left  a 
numerous  progeny  by  his  first  wife,  but  by  the  second 
wife,  who  was  also  his  second  cousin  and  a  descendant 
of  Captain  John  Davis  of  the  Indian  wars,  he  had  only 
one  son,  Daniel,  the  admiral's  father.  Daniel  Davis 
was  a  lawyer  and  eminent  at  the  Massachusetts  bar. 
He  settled  first  at  Portland,  then  Falmouth  in  the 
Province  of  Maine,  moved  to  Boston  in  1800,  and  was 
for  thirty  years  solicitor-general  of  the  State  of  Massa 
chusetts.  He  built  the  house  on  Somerset  Street  now 
occupied  by  the  New  England  Historic-Genealogical 
Society.  He  married  Lois,  daughter  of  Constant  Free 
man,  whose  brother,  the  Rev.  James  Freeman,  was  rector 
of  King's  Chapel  and  the  first  Unitarian  minister  in 
New  England.  James  Freeman  established  the  liturgy 
now  in  use,  and  when  he  proffered  his  resignation 
on  account  of  his  change  of  views,  the  congregation 
adopted  the  reformed  ritual  and  retained  him  as  its 
pastor.  He  was  ordained  by  his  own  wardens  and 
people  by  a  peculiar  service ;  the  first  Episcopal  Church 
in  New  England  became  the  first  Unitarian  Church  in 
America,  and  James  Freeman  remained  at  its  head  for 


4  CHARLES  HEXRY  DAVIS 

forty-eight  years.  Another  brother  of  Lois,  Constant 
Freeman,  served  in  the  army  through  the  war  of  the 
Eevolution.  He  was  lieutenant  in  Knox's  Artillery  in 
1776,  captain-lieutenant  in  Crane's  Artillery  in  1778, 
and  was  offered  a  captaincy  in  the  United  States  In 
fantry  in  1791,  but  declined.  He  was  commissioned 
major  of  the  First  Regiment  of  Artillery  and  Engineers 
in  1795,  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  First  Artillery  in  1802, 
and  was  brevetted  colonel  in  1812.  He  was  mustered 
out  on  the  reduction  of  the  army  in  1815,  and  became 
accountant  of  the  Navy  Department  and  Fourth  Audi 
tor  of  the  Treasury,  which  office  he  held  until  his  death 
in  1824.  He  occupied  the  old  house  still  standing  on 
the  S.  E.  corner  of  F  and  Twenty-first  streets.  He  was 
childless,  and  his  paternal  affections  were  centred  on 
his  nephew. 

Charles  Henry  Davis,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was 
born  in  the  house  on  Somerset  Street,  Boston,  January 
16,  1807.  He  was  the  youngest  of  thirteen  children, 
of  whom  the  oldest,  Louisa,  married  William  Minot,  of 
Boston,  and  her  descendants  still  live  in  Boston  and 
its  suburbs.  None  of  the  others  of  this  numerous 
family,  except  the  youngest,  are  represented  by  de 
scendants  in  the  present  generation.  Charles  Henry 
Davis  was  educated  at  the  Boston  Latin  School,  entered 
Harvard  College  in  1821,  and  remained  through  the 
Freshman  and  Sophomore  years,  and  although  he  did 
not  graduate,  he  took  his  degree  in  1841,  and  his 
name  stands  in  the  triennial  catalogue  as  a  member  of 
the  class  of  1825. 

In  the  summer  of  1823,  mainly  through  the  influ- 


MIDSHIPMAN  5 

ence  of  his  uncle  Constant  Freeman,  and  also  perhaps 
through  the  help  of  Commodore  Isaac  Hull  who  was  a 
friend  of  his  father's,  he  was  appointed  a  midshipman  in 
the  United  States  Navy,  and  gave  up  his  college  career 
to  enter  upon  the  active  duties  of  the  naval  profession. 
There  was  no  national  naval  school  in  those  days.  Mid 
shipmen  when  first  appointed  received  only  an  acting 
warrant  but  went  immediately  to  sea,  and  their  first 
cruise  was  considered  as  a  period  of  probation.  The 
warrant,  when  received,  was  dated  back  to  the  original 
acting  appointment,  and  after  a  certain  period  of  ser 
vice  midshipmen  were  entitled  to  an  examination  which 
fixed  their  status  in  the  service  and  confirmed  the  claim 
to  a  lieutenant's  commission.  The  midshipman's  future 
in  the  service  depended  upon  his  own  diligence  and  apti 
tude,  for  the  final  examination  was  a  severe  one,  and 
there  was  no  regular  system  of-instruction  on  board 
ship.  A  young  officer  picked  up  his  professional  edu 
cation  as  best  he  could  in  the  active  experience  of  ser 
vice  afloat.  The  whole  scheme  of  naval  education  in 
those  days  was  totally  at  variance  with  the  plan  pur 
sued  at  present.  The  two  systems  do  not  admit  of 
comparison.  The  old  plan  would  not  work  now,  be 
cause  naval  education  is  too  complex  and  intricate  for 
such  extremely  simple  methods,  but  it  worked  then,  and 
the  very  high  standard  attained  by  the  representatives 
of  the  old  navy  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the  thorough 
ness  of  the  training.  Midshipmen  then  were  the  sons 
of  gentlemen,  using  that  word  not  in  any  invidious  sense, 
but  as  it  was  generally  understood  in  the  year  1823, 
and  the  rudiments  of  a  primary  education  were  not 


6  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

necessary  after  their  entrance  into  the  service.  They 
had  that  already.  They  began  at  once  to  learn  their 
profession,  and  they  began  to  learn  it  at  once  in  the 
school  in  which,  even  at  this  day,  it  can  only  be  learned 
successfully,  —  active  service  afloat.  The  school  was 
an  extremely  rough  and  severe  one,  in  which  the  weak 
est  went  to  the  wall,  and  only  the  fittest  survived,  but 
it  had  one  great  advantage  over  the  modern  method,  in 
inculcating  from  the  very  beginning  the  habit  of  self- 
reliance  under  responsibility.  As  will  be  seen  later, 
Davis,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  when  only  two  years 
in  the  service,  was  performing  responsible  duties  on 
board  of  a  ship  on  detached  and  hazardous  service  in 
an  ocean  hardly  known  to  navigators,  and  very  inade 
quately  charted ;  so  that  the  lives  and  safety  of  the 
whole  crew  and  of  the  ship  were  committed  to  his 
charge  during  his  watches  on  deck.  Such  an  expe 
rience,  which  reads  like  a  romance  now,  was  of  incal 
culable  value  in  forming  his  official  character,  and  it 
is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  effects  of  this  early 
training  in  responsibility  were  visible  throughout  his 
career,  which  was  marked,  in  common  with  that  of 
many  of  his  contemporaries,  by  a  trait  which  is  almost 
non-existent  in  the  modern  service,  and  which  was  a 
logical  result  of  his  education.  The  masters  in  this 
school  were  the  men  who  had  brought  our  infant  navy 
with  high  credit  through  a  war  with  the  greatest  naval 
power  on  earth,  and  if  the  school  was  a  rough  one,  and 
the  requirements  for  advancement  were  few,  as  judged 
by  the  modern  standard,  the  quality  of  result  is  beyond 
question.  The  civil  war  showed  what  stuff  was  in  the 


THE  FRIGATE  UNITED  STATES  7 

old  navy.  With  that  careless  disregard  for  the  past 
and  ignorance  of  anything  that  has  occurred  earlier 
than  day  before  yesterday  which  is  a  characteristic 
of  an  ephemeral  literature,  it  has  been  customary  for 
recent  writers  to  allude  to  the  naval  commanders  of 
the  civil  war  as  graduates  of  the  Naval  Academy.  The 
Naval  Academy  was  founded  in  1845,  and  not  one  of 
the  officers  who  reached  distinction  in  the  civil  war 
ever  saw  its  walls,  or  received  any  other  training  than 
that  which  his  own  zeal  and  diligence  had  supplied. 
Those  of  their  contemporaries,  many  in  number,  who 
failed  in  the  race  and  fell  by  the  way  have  been  long 
since  forgotten. 

Davis  left  his  home  in  Boston  in  October,  1823,  to 
join  the  frigate  United  States  at  Norfolk,  fitting  for 
the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  Isaac  Hull,  appointed 
to  command  the  Pacific  squadron.  He  performed  the 
journey  by  water,  and  for  a  month  after  his  arrival  at 
the  Norfolk  yard  was  quartered  on  board  the  Guerriere, 
stationary  receiving  ship,  as  the  United  States  was 
under  the  sheers.  She  was  commissioned  on  the  19th 
of  November,  and  the  following  day  dropped  down  to 
the  anchorage  at  Town  Point,  and  in  another  week  was 
towed  into  Hampton  Roads,  where  the  final  work  of 
completing  the  outfit  was  performed,  and  on  January  5, 
1824,  she  weighed  and  stood  out  to  sea,  bound  round 
Cape  Horn. 

On  the  passage  out,  the  United  States  touched  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  remaining  only  a  few  days,  and  reached 
Valparaiso  on  March  27th.  This  was  a  good  passage, 
and,  in  fact,  the  United  States  was  a  good  sailer,  as 


8  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

she  afterwards  proved  during  the  cruise,  and  especially 
on  her  passage  home  in  182 7. 1  She  was  one  of  the 
first  ships  in  the  navy  fitted  with  chain  cables,  of  which 
older  seamen  were  still  distrustful.  It  is  noted  that 
the  ship  was  moored  at  Eio  de  Janeiro,  and  again  at 
Valparaiso,  with  a  chain  cable  to  one  anchor  and  a 
hemp  cable  to  the  other. 

By  the  time  Commodore  Hull  reached  Valparaiso, 
the  Chilian  independence  was  acknowledged,  and  hos 
tilities  in  that  country  had  ceased ;  but  the  war  was  still 
in  progress  in  Peru,  Callao  being  held  by  the  Spaniards 
and  loosely  blockaded  by  a  Peruvian  fleet.  The  United 
States,  therefore,  proceeded  at  once  to  Peru,  and  at 
Callao  fell  in  with  the  Franklin,  74:,  Commodore  Charles 
Stewart,  who  was  relieved  by  Commodore  Hull,  and 
sailed  for  home.  The  vessels  composing  the  squadron 
were,  besides  the  flagship,  the  Vincennes  and  Peacock, 
sloops,  the  Dolphin,  schooner,  and  several  chartered 
vessels.  Service  on  board  the  flagship  was  uninterest 
ing  for  the  most  part,  the  squadron  being  confined  to 
Callao  and  Chorillos  during  the  progress  of  the  war, 
and  being  forced  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality  in  rela 
tion  to  the  belligerents,  while  hostilities  dragged  on 
with  no  great  event  or  stirring  incident  to  relieve  the 
monotony  of  life  on  board  ship. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  United  States  besides  the 
commodore,  who  was  perhaps  the  most  distinguished 

1  Prior  to  the  war  of  1812,  the  United  States,  which  was  one  of  the 
frigates  of  1797,  had  been  called  "the  old  wagon,"  on  account  of  her  dull 
ness  as  a  sailer.  Her  qualities  were  greatly  improved  by  change  of 
trim. 


THE  FRIGATE  UNITED  STATES  9 

of  the  frigate  captains  of  1812,  were  several  whose 
names  deserve  mention  on  account  of  their  subsequent 
career  in  the  service,  and  their  long  friendship  with 
the  subject  of  this  memoir.  The  first  lieutenant  was 
John  Percival,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the 
war  with  England  by  great  personal  bravery  and  dash. 
He  was  a  gallant  and  efficient  officer,  but  a  person  of 
eccentric  character.  His  career  in  the  service  was  long 
(he  died  a  post  captain  in  1861),  and  his  name  was  con 
nected  with  many  old  sea  stories,  until  it  passed  into 
what  may  be  called  the  mythical  folk-lore  of  the  service, 
—  stories  of  which  he  was  the  hero,  gaining  in  incredi 
bility  by  repetition  from  one  generation  of  naval  officers 
to  another,  until  finally  lost  in  the  sudden  transition  to 
what  is  now  caUed  the  new  navy,  and  the  total  aban 
donment  of  early  tradition  as  so  much  useless  lumber. 
The  rising  generation  of  the  navy  has  never  heard  of 
Mad  Jack  Percival  and  his  escapades,  desperate  and 
comic ;  but  thirty  years  ago  no  name  was  better  known 
or  oftener  cited  in  wardroom  mess  talk.  Davis  was 
destined  to  be  closely  associated  with  him,  and  to  serve 
under  his  immediate  command  for  nearly  two  years. 

Hiram  Paulding  was  another  of  the  lieutenants  of 
the  United  States.  He  had  a  long  and  distinguished 
career  in  the  service,  beginning  with  Lake  Champlain, 
where  he  served  as  midshipman  and  acting  lieutenant 
under  McDonough.1  He  retired  with  the  rank  of  rear 
admiral  in  1862 ;  and  during  the  whole  of  the  civil 
war,  although  his  age  precluded  his  active  employment 
afloat,  he  commanded  the  navy  yard  and  station  at  New 

1  He  was  a  son  of  John  Paulding,  one  of  Andre"s  captors. 


10  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

York,  and  rendered  most  important  service  in  the  oner 
ous  and  responsible  duties  connected  with  that  great 
naval  depot.  He  was  greatly  beloved  in  the  service, 
and  left  an  honored  name.  Among  the  midshipmen 
who  afterwards  reached  flag  rank  were  Thomas  T. 
Craven  and  Henry  Knox  Thatcher.  Andrew  Hull 
Foote  was  a  midshipman  on  board  the  Peacock,  and 
was  later  transferred  to  the  flagship,  and  came  home  in 
her.  He  was  of  the  date  of  1822,  and  had  already 
made  a  cruise  in  the  West  Indies. 

Attached  to  the  squadron  was  the  Dolphin,  top 
sail  schooner,  of  180  tons  burden  and  12  guns,  which 
vessel  was  tender  to  the  flagship,  and  was  officered 
and  manned  by  a  draft  from  that  vessel.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  form  a  conception  of  what  the  Dolphin  was 
like  by  comparison  with  any  existing  type,  as  her  class 
has  long  since  disappeared,  and  cannot  be  compared 
with  the  modern  schooner.  She  was  a  mere  cock-boat 
alongside  of  the  frigate,  and  her  guns  were  nothing 
but  six-pounders;  but,  notwithstanding  her  smallness 
and  the  insignificance  of  her  armament,  she  made  an 
interesting  cruise  of  many  thousands  of  miles  among 
the  remote,  and  at  that  time  almost  unknown,  islands 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  carried  the  flag  where  it  had 
never  been  seen  before  on  board  a  government  vessel, 
and  where  it  has  since  made  some  figure  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  Almost  immediately  after  the  arrival  of 
the  United  States  at  Callao,  Lieutenant  Percival  was 
appointed  to  command  the  Dolphin,  and  on  August 
31,  1824,  Davis  was  also  assigned  to  her.  A  year 
later,  before  she  separated  from  the  squadron  for  a 


THE  FRIGATE   UNITED   STATES  11 

long  and  independent  cruise,  Lieutenant  Paulding  and 
several  more  midshipmen  joined  her.  Among  these 
was  Charles  H.  McBlair,  who  had  been,  from  the 
first  days  on  board  the  Guerriere,  an  intimate  of 
Davis's.  Their  friendship  lasted  until  the  breaking 
out  of  the  civil  war,  and  was  resumed  in  after  years. 
McBlair,  who  was  from  Maryland,  made  the  mistake 
of  resigning  from  the  navy  in  confident  anticipation  of 
the  secession  of  his  State.  He  held  a  commission  in 
the  Confederate  service,  and  after  the  close  of  the  war 
he  was  for  some  time  adjutant-general  of  the  State  of 
Maryland.  He  died  in  Washington,  where  he  had 
settled  in  1874,  in  November,  1890,  and  during  the 
last  few  years  of  Davis's  life  much  of  the  old  intimacy 
had  revived.  They  had  been  inseparable  companions 
in  early  life. 

Of  all  the  officers  of  the  Dolphin,  Davis  was  the 
junior  in  years  and  rank  when  the  ship  sailed  on  her 
long  voyage  to  the  Western  Pacific. 


CHAPTER  II 

CRUISE   OF   THE    SCHOONER   DOLPHIN 

IN  the  year  1824,  the  crew  of  the  whaleship  Globe, 
of  Nantucket,  mutinied  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  latitude 
about  eight  degrees  south,  longitude  one  hundred  and 
sixty  degrees  west,  murdered  the  officers,  and  carried 
the  ship  to  the  Mulgrave  Islands,  where  it  was  proposed 
by  the  chief  mutineer,  a  man  named  Comstock,  to 
burn  her  and  form  a  settlement.  Here  a  great  part  of 
the  stores,  the  spare  sails  and  rigging,  and  the  boats 
were  landed ;  but  some  members  of  the  crew  who  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  mutiny,  taking  advantage  of  being 
together  on  board  the  ship  while  the  others  were  on 
shore,  dropped  the  foresail  and  cut  the  cables  just  at 
the  dusk  of  evening,  and,  making  sail,  stood  out  to  sea 
with  a  fair  wind. 

The  mutineers  pursued  the  ship  in  the  boats,  as 
soon  as  they  discovered  that  she  was  under  way ;  but 
finding  that  she  gained  rapidly  on  them  while  it  was 
fast  growing  dark,  they  abandoned  the  chase  and  re 
turned  to  the  shore.1  The  nautical  instruments  of 
every  description  had  been  taken  on  shore  by  the  muti- 

1  Narrative  of  the  Mutiny  of  the  Globe  and  the  Cruise  of  the  Dolphin  in 
search  of  the  Mutineers.  By  Lieutenant  Hiram  Paulding.  New  York, 
1831.  The  official  log-book  of  the  schooner  Dolphin. 


CRUISE  OF   THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  13 

neers,  so  that  the  people  on  board  the  Globe  were  left 
to  traverse  a  vast  ocean  studded  with  unknown  dangers, 
without  a  chart,  and  with  no  other  guide  to  direct  their 
course  than  the  stars  and  the  prevailing  winds.  The 
Mulgrave  Islands  are  situated  in  north  latitude  six 
degrees,  east  longitude  one  hundred  and  seventy-three 
degrees ;  and,  although  the  passage  of  the  Globe  was 
necessarily  very  long,  she  finally  reached  Valparaiso  in 
safety,  and  the  American  consul  at  that  port  was  in 
formed  of  the  events  which  had  transpired.  As  the 
war  of  independence  was  still  in  progress  in  Peru, 
American  commerce  and  interests  on  the  West  Coast 
required  the  attention  of  the  whole  naval  force  then 
on  the  station,  and  no  measures  could  be  taken  to 
bring  the  mutineers  to  account  for  their  crimes  until 
some  time  after  the  return  of  the  Globe,  to  the  United 
States.  In  the  following  year,  however,  Commodore 
Hull  was  able  to  dispatch  the  Dolphin  to  search  for 
the  mutineers,  who  it  was  supposed  would  still  be  found 
where  the  Globe  had  left  them,  —  at  the  Mulgrave 
Islands.  Accordingly  the  Dolphin  sailed  from  Choril- 
los  on  the  18th  of  August,  1825,  and  proceeded  along 
the  coast  as  far  north  as  Payta,  touching  at  several  of 
the  smaller  ports,  and  purchasing  such  stores  in  each 
as  the  place  afforded.  From  Payta  she  sailed  for  the 
Gallapagos  Islands,  where  an  abundant  supply  of  turtles, 
both  the  land  turtle  of  the  island  and  the  common  sea 
turtle,  was  laid  in.  These  creatures  were  kept  alive, 
and  were  served  out  regularly  to  the  crew  as  long  as 
the  stock  lasted,  instead  of  the  ordinary  allowance  of 
salt  provisions ;  proving  not  only  a  wholesome  substi- 


14  CHARLES  HEXRY  DAVIS 

tute  for  the  common  sea  diet,  but  a  means  of  preserving 
the  stores  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  replenish 
among  the  islands.  Sixteen  days  after  leaving  the 
Gallapagos,  the  Marquesas  Islands  were  sighted,  and 
the  Dolphin  stood  in,  and  close  alongshore,  where 
u  beautiful  little  valleys  were  presented  to  view  in  quick 
succession,  with  villages  of  palm-thatched  cottages  em 
bowered  in  groves  of  cocoanut  and  bread-fruit  trees, 
forming  scenes  of  rural  quiet  calculated  to  fill  the  im 
agination  with  the  most  agreeable  conceptions  of  the 
happy  condition  of  the  inhabitants."  The  Dolphin 
anchored  at  Nukahiva,  in  Comptroller's  Bay. 

At  this  time  the  Marquesas  Islands  were  in  an  almost 
primitive  state  of  savagery,  being  visited  only  occasion 
ally  for  refreshment  by  whaleships,  and  but  one  mission 
ary  had  ever  visited  the  islands  for  a  short  time,  and  had 
made  no  impression  on  the  people.  The  natives  were 
not  wholly  unaccustomed  to  the  sight  of  ships  and 
their  crews  of  white  men,  but  they  still  retained  their 
primitive  customs,  and  were  uncontaminated  by  con 
tact  with  civilization.  A  war  was  raging  between  the 
rival  tribes  of  Typees  and  Happahs,  which  inhabited 
opposite  shores  of  the  bay,  and  the  people  of  both  fac 
tions  visited  the  ship,  and  were  eager  to  obtain  firearms 
in  exchange  for  provisions  and  native  manufactures  of 
grass-cloth  and  weapons.  The  use  of  firearms  was 
fully  understood  by  these  people,  and  a  chief's  impor 
tance  depended  on  the  number  of  muskets,  kegs  of 
powder,  and  flints  which  he  possessed.  The  Dolphin 
also  visited  Massachusetts  Bay,  which  was  the  scene  of 
Commodore  Porter's  visit  when  refitting  the  Essex. 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  15 

Here  Commodore  Porter  had  built  a  fort  and  estab 
lished  a  navy  yard ;  but  in  the  short  interval  that  had 
elapsed  all  traces  of  his  works  were  obliterated  by  the 
luxuriant  growth  of  tropical  vegetation,  and  no  ves 
tiges  of  former  occupation  could  be  discovered.  At 
Massachusetts  Bay  the  ship  was  watered,  and  Lieu 
tenant  Paulding  planted  a  quantity  of  fruit  and  vege 
table  seeds  which  had  been  brought  from  Peru,  with 
the  hope  that  their  growth  might  prove  a  benefit  to 
future  navigators.  The  natives  willingly  assisted  in 
this  operation. 

The  Dolphin  sailed  from  the  Marquesas  Islands  on 
the  5th  of  October.  The  course  now  before  her  car 
ried  the  schooner  away  from  all  the  civilized  world; 
and  the  islands  in  her  way  afforded  little  to  tempt  the 
navigators  to  visit  them,  being  known  only  as  places 
existing  on  the  wide  surface  of  the  ocean,  where,  with 
few  exceptions,  the  inhabitants  had  never  seen  the  face 
of  a  white  man.  On  the  10th,  Caroline  Island  was 
sighted,  and  the  ^Dolphin  stood  close  in,  under  the  lee 
of  the  coral  reef,  in  hopes  of  finding  an  anchorage; 
but  the  deep  water  reached  to  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
reef  itself.  However,  a  small  kedge  was  taken  to  the 
coral  bank,  by  which  the  ship  rode  to  the  easterly  trade- 
wind,  and  a  party  landed  on  the  reef  to  fish,  finding 
fish  plentiful  in  the  holes  and  clefts  of  the  reef,  and 
easily  taken  with  boarding-pikes  and  boat-hooks.  At 
low  water,  when  the  party  landed,  the  coral  bank  was 
nearly  dry ;  but  they  were  overtaken  by  the  rising  tide, 
which  made  it  difficult  and  even  dangerous  to  retrace 
their  steps  to  the  edge  of  the  bank,  the  holes  in  the 


; 


16  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

reef  being  hidden  under  water.  What  made  the  situa 
tion  of  the  party  more  disagreeable  was  the  number  of 
sharks  which  had  come  in  with  the  tide,  and  which 
made  dashes  at  the  men  as  they  stood  waist  deep  on 
the  reef  or  floundered  in  the  holes,  and  had  to  be  kept 
at  bay  by  thrashing  and  lunging  with  the  boat-hooks 
and  pikes.  One  man,  who  had  a  large  bunch  of  fish 
which  he  trailed  through  the  water,  was  so  closely  pur 
sued  and  fiercely  attacked  that  he  had  to  take  refuge 
on  a  rock  above  water  until  the  boat  could  come  in  to 
his  relief. 

Leaving  Caroline  Island,  the  Dolphin  visited  the 
Duke  of  Clarence  and  Duke  of  York  Islands.  The 
latter  was  noted  on  the  chart  as  uninhabited  when  dis 
covered  by  Commodore  Byron  in  1791,  and  the  people 
of  the  Dolphin  were  therefore  not  a  little  surprised, 
on  approaching  it,  to  see  two  canoes  put  off  from  the 
shore.  But  on  both  of  these  islands  the  inhabitants 
were  shy  and  wild,  entirely  unaccustomed  to  the  sight 
of  white  men,  and  treacherous  in  their  intercourse  with 
people  of  the  Dolphin.  The  next  island  sighted  was 
Byron's  Island,  on  November  9th,  where  the  schooner 
anchored.  Here  she  was  soon  surrounded  by  the 
canoes  of  the  savages,  which  appeared  in  all  directions 
as  if  by  magic.  The  natives  leaped  on  board  with 
out  the  slightest  hesitation,  and  the  decks  were  soon 
thronged  with  naked,  shouting  savages.  They  were 
soon  detected  in  thieving,  and,  being  all  armed  with 
shark' s-tooth  spears,  they  walked  about  the  decks  with 
a  swaggering  and  aggressive  air,  and  it  was  not  until 
sundown  that  they  were  finally  got  rid  of.  The  next 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  17 

morning,  as  soon  as  day  dawned,  the  whole  ocean  was 
whitened  with  the  little  sails  of  canoes  which  were  seen 
approaching  in  every  direction  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
distinguish  so  small  an  object.  The  scenes  of  the  pre 
vious  day  were  repeated.  Not  a  word  could  be  under 
stood  for  this  rabble  of  savages  on  deck  and  about  the 
ship ;  and  when  they  were  pushed  out  of  the  way  they 
became  insolent  and  resentful.  It  was  finally  neces 
sary  to  resort  to  violence  to  clear  the  decks,  and  in  the 
skirmish  an  old  athletic  chief,  whom  Captain  Percival 
had  treated  with  some  distinction,  suddenly  threw  his 
arms  about  the  captain  and  embraced  him  with  hercu 
lean  strength ;  but  some  of  the  Dolphin's  men  passed 
the  bight  of  a  rope  round  the  old  chief's  neck  and 
strangled  him  until  they  broke  his  grasp,  and  then 
pitched  him  overboard.  A  proper  show  of  firmness 
was  finally  effectual  in  clearing  the  ship  of  savages. 

The  islands  visited  since  leaving  the  Marquesas  had 
afforded  no  refreshment,  and  it  now  became  necessary 
to  water  the  schooner.  An  effort  was  made  to  land  for 
this  purpose,  but  the  determined  hostility  of  the  natives 
made  the  attempt  fruitless,  and  only  the  great  coolness 
and  tact  of  Captain  Percival  saved  the  boat's  crew  from 
destruction  at  the  hands  of  the  savages.  The  natives 
dashed  into  the  water  (almost  their  native  element), 
and  attempted  to  drag  the  boat  to  land :  in  the  midst 
of  the  confusion  one  of  them  snatched  a  pistol  which 
he  struggled  violently  to  carry  off,  until  he  was  shot 
from  the  boat  and  taken  into  the  nearest  canoe  severely 
wounded.  The  boat  now  returned  to  the  ship,  and 
preparations  were  made  for  getting  under  way,  when  one 


18  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

of  the  natives,  numbers  of  whom  were  still  on  board, 
seized  a  musket  with  a  fixed  bayonet  and  jumping  over 
board  with  it  swam  toward  the  shore  keeping  under 
water  half  the  time.  He  was  fired  at,  but  he  bore  his 
booty  safely  to  shore  and  disappeared  in  the  bushes. 
After  this  bold  theft  several  boats  were  manned  to 
land  again  in  search  of  water  and,  if  possible,  to  re 
cover  the  stolen  musket.  Captain  Percival  again 
took  the  lead,  and  landed  on  the  coral  reef  with  his 
ammunition  wet,  whilst  his  boat,  in  returning  through 
the  surf,  was  thrown  upon  the  reef,  bilged,  and  before 
she  could  be  got  off  every  timber  in  her  was  broken. 
Captain  Percival  now  forbade  the  other  boats  to  at 
tempt  to  land,  choosing  rather  to  remain  in  his  defense 
less  situation  on  the  reef,  surrounded  by  hostile  savages, 
than  to  risk  the  serious  consequences  of  losing  the 
remainder  of  his  boats.  By  signals  arranged  before 
leaving  the  ship  he  directed  a  fire  at  intervals  from  the 
great  guns  against  a  large  hut  on  the  beach  which  was 
supposed  to  belong  to  the  chief.  The  ignorance  of  the 
natives  as  to  the  real  nature  of  firearms  and  the  awe 
inspired  by  the  discharge  of  the  schooner's  six-pounders 
were  sufficient  to  keep  the  savages  at  bay.  Finally  a 
group  of  them  approached  him,  one  of  whom,  an  old 
man,  held  a  green  branch  in  his  hands.  The  captain 
demanded,  by  signs,  the  return  of  the  musket,  and  the 
old  man  addressed  one  of  those  near  him,  who  ran  off, 
and  in  about  an  hour  brought  back  the  musket,  but 
without  lock  or  bayonet.  These  were  also  demanded, 
and  the  demand  emphasized  by  another  discharge  of 
the  schooner's  guns  toward  the  hut.  It  was  not  long 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  19 

before  the  lock  was  brought,  but  no  threats  could  in 
duce  them  to  relinquish  the  bayonet.  The  situation  of 
Captain  Percival  and  his  party  was  now  becoming  more 
critical  with  every  moment's  delay.  They  were  on  a 
bank  of  coral  a  hundred  yards  wide,  and  small  parties 
of  savages  from  the  great  numbers  assembled  in  the 
bushes  that  fringed  the  beach  would  occasionally  sally 
out  and  throw  stones  at  them ;  they  had  no  other  means 
of  defense  than  the  schooner's  guns,  which  were  fired 
whenever  an  attack  was  made.  The  hustle  of  the  shot 
over  their  heads  and  the  occasional  fall  of  a  cocoanut 
tree  proved  the  superiority  of  these  weapons  over  their 
own,  and  had,  in  a  measure,  the  desired  effect  of  keep 
ing  them  in  check.  But  although  the  shot  sometimes 
struck  very  close  and  threw  sand  and  gravel  all  over 
them,  they  were  becoming  bolder  every  minute.  The 
captain,  becoming  impatient  of  his  precarious  situation 
on  the  reef,  besieged  and  harassed  as  he  was  by  the  sav 
ages,  made  bold  to  risk  an  excursion  back  on  the  island, 
to  show  the  natives  his  disregard  for  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  satisfy  himself  of  the  existence  of  water. 
Attended  by  his  boat's  crew,  who  held  their  pistols  in 
readiness,  though  they  were  useless  as  the  priming  was 
wet,  he  advanced  boldly  up  the  beach,  the  natives  re 
treating  before  him.  This  excursion  was  fruitless,  how 
ever,  the  only  place  where  water  was  found  being  an 
old  well,  which  was  brackish  and  stagnant.  In  the 
meantime  Lieutenant  Paulding,  on  board  the  schooner, 
was  filled  with  anxiety  for  the  captain  and  his  party, 
and  was  relieved,  after  an  hour's  delay,  to  see  them 
return  to  their  old  place  of  blockade  on  the  coral  bank. 


20  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

It  was  now  sundown,  and  the  surf  had  increased 
so  much  that  it  did  not  seem  possible  for  a  boat  to 
reach  the  reef  and  return  in  safety,  and  to  send  men 
without  a  prospect  of  their  return  would  be  a  useless 
sacrifice  of  life.  But  something  must  be  done  to  get 
the  party  off  before  dark,  and  at  this  juncture  two  sea 
men  who  were  good  swimmers  came  forward  and  volun 
teered  to  take  the  lightest  boat  ashore.  They  landed 
in  safety,  and  the  small  boat  being  deeply  laden  with 
the  captain  and  his  party,  they  clung  with  one  hand  to 
the  quarter,  swimming  with  the  other,  until  after  a 
prolonged  and  most  doubtful  struggle  the  boat  emerged 
from  the  surf  and  was  soon  alongside. 

The  men  of  Byron's  Island  are  described  as  short, 
active,  and  well-made.  They  were  entirely  naked  and 
covered  with  scars,  and  only  a  few  of  them  tattooed 
and  those  only  slightly.  Their  ornaments  were  rude, 
and  worn  only  by  a  few,  and  consisted  of  shells,  and 
beads  made  of  something  that  looked  like  whalebone, 
worn  in  long  strings  round  the  neck  or  waist.  Some 
of  them  wore  skull-caps  made  of  grass,  or  wreaths  of 
dry  cocoanut  fibre.  The  hair  was  long,  the  complexion 
very  dark,  and  the  beard  thin  and  curled  on  the  chin 
like  a  negro's.  But  few  women  appeared,  and  they 
were  coarse  and  almost  as  robust  as  the  men,  and  wore 
a  small  fringed  mat  about  the  loins.  The  canoes  of 
these  savages  were  ingeniously  made  of  a  great  many 
pieces  of  light  wood  laced  together  with  cocoanut 
twine.  The  canoe  sails  were  mats  of  straw  or  grass. 

As  soon  as  the  captain's  party  got  on  board  the 
Dolphin  made  sail,  and  bade  adieu  to  Byron's  Island 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  21 

and  its  inhabitants,  whose  acquaintance  had  been  pro 
ductive  of  little  but  perplexity  and  anxiety,  and  running 
a  course  west  by  south,  in  four  hours  Drummond's 
Island  hove  in  sight  ahead,  distant  four  leagues.  This 
island  was  found  to  be  swarming  with  people,  who  at 
first  exhibited  more  timidity  than  those  of  any  of  the 
islands  yet  visited.  But  they  soon  became  bolder,  and 
the  scenes  of  Byron's  Island  were  repeated,  the  savages 
visiting  the  ship  in  swarms  and  stealing  whatever  they 
could  lay  their  hands  on.  All  hope  of  watering  here 
had  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  Dolphin  made  sail  again 
and  shaped  a  course  for  the  Mulgraves. 

The  Mulgrave  Islands  are  the  southernmost  group  of 
the  Kadack  chain  of  the  Marshall  archipelago,  and  form 
a  circular  or  nearly  circular  group  of  coral  islets.  Their 
extent  has,  even  to  this  day,  not  been  well  determined, 
but  the  surrounding  reefs  have  been  examined  for  forty 
miles,  and  only  one  passage  for  boats  and  one  for  ships 
found  to  exist.  Some  of  the  islands  are  mere  coral 
rocks,  submerged  at  high  tide,  but  nearly  all  have  deep 
water  close  to  the  reefs.  When  the  reef  reaches  above 
the  level  of  the  sea  it  becomes  covered  with  sand  and 
vegetation  forms,  and  some  of  the  islands  are  of  con 
siderable  size,  and  covered  with  cocoanut  and  bread 
fruit  trees.  The  passage  from  Drummond's  to  the 
Mulgrave  Islands  was  nine  days,  and  on  November 
19th  the  Dolphin  anchored  on  a  lee  shore  within  less 
than  a  cable's  length  of  the  surf,  at  the  easternmost  of 
the  islands. 

The  inhabitants  here  were  of  a  different  character 
from  those  of  Byron's  and  Drummond's  islands,  and 


22  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

were  hospitable  and  friendly.  The  schooner  was  watered 
here,  and  an  immediate  search  began  for  the  mutineers 
of  the  Globe.  A  whaler's  lance  and  some  pieces  of 
canvas  were  found  among  the  natives,  who  were  sensibly 
alarmed  by  the  thoroughness  of  the  search  and  the 
questions  put  to  them  concerning  the  Globe.  It  was 
therefore  determined  to  continue  the  search  from  island 
to  island  along  the  entire  chain  to  the  southward  and 
westward,  for  it  must  be  understood  that  Captain  Per- 
cival  did  not  know  that  the  chain  was  circular  in  form, 
nor  of  the  existence  of  the  inland  sea  or  lagoon,  until 
he  discovered  these  facts  for  himself  in  his  progressive 
search.  Accordingly  the  schooner,  after  several  days' 
delay  at  the  first  anchorage,  got  under  way  and  coasted 
along  the  land  from  island  to  island,  keeping  in  com 
pany  with  the  searching  parties,  which  followed  the 
course  of  the  ship,  and  explored  each  island  in  succes 
sion.  Some  of  these  islands  were  sparsely  inhabited ; 
in  others  the  population  was  more  dense ;  and  the 
natives  were  sometimes  timid  and  shy  and  sometimes 
friendly,  but  never  openly  hostile.  At  one  island  a 
native  came  on  board  in  a  canoe,  and  as  he  was  the 
only  person  who  visited  the  ship,  it  was  suspected  that 
he  came  as  a  spy,  a  suspicion  which  was  verified  in  the 
event,  although,  at  the  time,  these  people  seemed  too 
simple  to  adopt  such  an  expedient  of  civilization. 

After  examining  several  of  the  islands  in  this  man 
ner,  the  shore  parties  reached  a  spot  where  numbers  of 
the  natives  were  assembled,  and  where  several  of  their 
large  war-canoes  were  drawn  up  on  the  beach,  and 
others  were  seen  approaching  across  the  lagoon.  As 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  23 

was  afterwards  ascertained,  this  was  the  high  chief  of 
all  the  group,  with  about  a  hundred  of  his  chiefs  and 
warriors  on  a  cruise  of  observation  to  satisfy  himself  as 
to  who  and  what  the  strangers  were  who  had  invaded 
his  lonely  and  unfrequented  domain.  The  chiefs  had 
nothing  to  distinguish  them,  so  that  Captain  Percival 
remained  in  ignorance  of  their  identity,  but  this  gather 
ing  of  people,  with  their  canoes,  facilitated  his  search, 
and  in  fact  some  lids  of  seamen's  chests,  some  pieces 
of  cloth  and  ash  spars,  and  some  canvas  were  found 
among  them.  The  natives  were  watching  every  look 
and  action  of  the  white  men,  and,  notwithstanding  their 
affected  apathy  and  indifference,  they  could  not  conceal 
the  intense  excitement  which  this  close  examination 
produced  among  them.  Not  far  from  the  beach  was  a 
grove  of  cocoanut  and  bread-fruit  trees,  through  which 
was  scattered  a  number  of  the  neat  little  huts  of  the 
natives.  One  of  these,  near  the  shore,  was  frequented 
by  a  great  many  of  the  natives,  with  whom  the  Dol 
phin's  people  mingled  freely.  It  was  about  ten  feet 
high,  and  had  a  sort  of  garret  floored  with  sticks  inter 
woven  with  palm  leaves.  Although  most  of  the  huts 
had  been  examined,  it  was  by  good  or  ill  fortune  that 
this  one,  where  so  many  of  the  natives  were  assembled, 
should  have  escaped  search ;  for,  had  this  taken  place, 
one  of  the  men  who  were  the  objects  of  the  search, 
and  the  cause  of  the  Dolphin's  presence  at  the  islands, 
would  have  been  found,  and  the  discovery  would  prob 
ably  have  resulted  in  the  massacre  of  the  shore  party, 
which  was  greatly  outnumbered  by  the  savages.  Wil 
liam  Lay,  one  of  the  crew  of  the  Globe,  had  been 


24  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

brought  to  this  island  by  the  chiefs,  to  be  used  as 
circumstances  might  suggest,  and  lay  concealed  in  the 
garret  of  this  hut,  guarded  -by  a  number  of  old 
women,  who  had  been  directed,  at  the  first  whisper  of 
noise  that  he  made,  to  put  him  to  death.  He  there 
fore  lay  in  this  situation,  listening  for  several  hours  to 
the  voices  of  his  countrymen,  whose  conversation  re 
vealed  to  him  the  character  of  the  schooner  and  the 
object  of  her  voyage. 

At  sundown  the  shore  party  returned  to  the  ship 
for  the  night,  and  the  natives,  getting  into  their  canoes, 
steered  away  across  the  lagoon  toward  the  distant 
islands.  The  Dolphin  stood  off  and  on  during  the 
night,  and  the  next  morning  anchored  near  where  the 
parties  had  landed  on  the  previous  day.  Here  there 
was  a  channel  into  the  lagoon,  having  nearly  enough 
water  for  the  schooner,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
warp  her  through,  but  had  to  be  abandoned,  as  the 
water  was  found  to  shoal  very  rapidly  on  the  bar  or 
reef.  The  service  had  been  arduous,  as  it  was  judged 
necessary  to  have  strong  parties  on  shore  exploring  the 
islands,  and  the  remainder  of  the  crew  were  really  in 
sufficient  to  work  the  vessel  and  to  get  her  under  way, 
which  had  to  be  done  whenever  the  wind  blew  on 
shore,  as  there  was  no  anchorage  beyond  half  a  cable's 
length  from  the  reef.  However,  the  same  method  of 
search  was  continued,  the  shore  parties  advancing  from 
island  to  island,  attended  by  a  boat  to  carry  them  over 
the  drowned  reefs,  and  armed  and  provisioned  to 
remain  on  shore,  the  schooner  keeping  abreast  under 
sail,  or  anchoring  in  advance.  In  this  manner  the 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  25 

search  continued  until  the  southernmost  extremity  of 
the  group  was  reached,  where  the  land  trended  away 
to  the  northward  and  westward.  The  discoveries  were 
few  and  unimportant  up  to  this  point,  and  the  search 
had  already  continued  nearly  a  week,  when  the  shore 
party,  which  was  commanded  by  the  second  lieutenant, 
crossed  a  long  reef  which  connected  the  southernmost 
island  with  the  next  to  the  westward,  which  had  the 
appearance  of  being  thickly  settled  from  the  number 
of  cocoanut  and  bread-fruit  trees,  as  the  savages  in 
variably  build  their  huts  in  these  groves.  Soon  after 
crossing  the  reef,  and  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
island,  where  the  land  was  narrow  and  sandy,  they  came 
suddenly  upon  a  place  which  was  strewn  with  the  staves 
of  beef  and  pork  barrels,  pieces  of  canvas,  clothing, 
and  a  general  litter  of  rubbish  which  marked  it  as  an 
abandoned  site  of  habitation.  Proceeding  a  little  fur 
ther,  they  found  a  skeleton,  lightly  covered  with  sand, 
and  a  box  containing  some  Spanish  dollars.1  The  sav 
ages,  who  had  been  in  close  attendance  on  the  searching 
party,  upon  approaching  this  spot  disappeared,  or  were 
seen  skulking  through  the  bushes.  Proceeding  a  mile 
further,  they  found  a  deserted  hut,  in  which  they  en 
camped  for  the  night.  Early  in  the  morning  they  took 
up  their  line  of  march,  but  had  not  gone  far  when  it 
became  evident  that  the  savages  were  preparing  for 
hostilities.  They  were  assembling  in  great  numbers  in 
front  of  the  party,  armed  with  spears  and  stones,  and, 

1  The  log-book  states  that  this  skeleton  was  supposed  to  be  that  of 
Comstock,  the  chief  mutineer  of  the  Globe.  But  the  evidence  upon  which 
this  theory  was  based  does  not  appear. 


26  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

being  vastly  more  numerous  than  the  seamen,  the  sec 
ond  lieutenant,  who  was  still  in  command,  decided  to 
retreat  to  the  place  of  encampment  of  the  previous 
night,  in  which  he  would  be  better  able  to  defend  him 
self  until  he  could  obtain  reinforcements  and  ammuni 
tion  from  the  Dolphin.  Upon  reaching  this  place 
again,  he  found  that  the  hut  had  been  destroyed,  and 
a  large  canoe,  which  had  lain  on  the  beach,  had  disap 
peared.  He  had  lost  sight  of  the  natives,  however, 
and,  fortifying  his  party  in  this  place  as  well  as  cir 
cumstances  would  permit,  he  remained  here  all  day, 
sending  two  of  his  men  to  the  schooner,  which  was 
now  several  miles  distant.  A  little  after  midday  these 
two  arrived  on  board,  and  reported  the  situation  of  the 
shore  party.  There  was  now  no  doubt  that  this  was 
the  place  where  the  mutineers  of  the  Globe  had  landed, 
but  where  were  they  now  ?  The  parties  from  the  ship 
had  given  the  savages  no  cause  for  hostility ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  most  conciliatory  course  had  been  pursued 
in  dealing  with  them,  and,  if  they  had  wished  to  make 
war,  opportunities  had  frequently  occurred  when  the 
search  parties  might  have  been  assailed  by  overwhelm 
ing  numbers.  They  had  not  availed  themselves  of 
these,  and  now  they  were  preparing  for  hostilities  at 
the  moment  of  the  discovery  of  the  place  where  the 
mutineers  had  been.  The  inference  was,  that  these 
latter  were  among  the  savages,  and  that  they  had 
aroused  the  natives  to  war  with  the  hope  of  successfully 
resisting  arrest.  If  this  surmise  were  correct,  the  situ 
ation  of  the  shore  party  was  critical,  and  no  time  was 
to  be  lost.  Accordingly  the  launch  was  hoisted  out 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  27 

and  fitted  with  all  dispatch,  and  in  the  afternoon  left 
the  ship,  in  command  of  Lieutenant  Paulding,  with 
two  midshipmen,  of  whom  Davis  was  one,  and  eleven 
men,  together  with  the  couriers  from  the  second  lieuten 
ant's  party,  which  was  all  that  could  be  spared  from 
the  schooner,  as  a  bold  attempt  on  her  by  a  large 
party  under  an  enterprising  chief  might  have  placed 
her  in  great  jeopardy.  The  launch  crossed  the  reef  and 
ran  down  the  lagoon  to  the  encampment  of  the  shore 
party,  which  she  reached  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing,  finding  all  safe,  but  looking  for  the  appearance 
of  relief  with  great  anxiety.  From  information  gained 
by  the  shore  party  during  the  day  as  to  the  movements 
of  the  savages,  Lieutenant  Paulding  determined  to 
pursue  them  in  the  launch,  and  he  therefore  sent  the 
second  lieutenant  and  his  men  back  toward  the  ship, 
and,  keeping  only  his  own  boat's  crew,  made  sail  on 
the  launch  and  stretched  away  across  the  lagoon  in 
pursuit  of  the  parties  of  natives  which  had  menaced 
the  search  party  in  the  morning,  and  which  had  gone 
across  the  lagoon  in  their  canoes.  The  launch  was 
kept  under  way  all  night,  and  at  daylight  an  island 
was  discovered  directly  ahead,  upon  which  Lieutenant 
Paulding  determined  to  land,  in  order  to  give  his  men 
breakfast.  The  islands  forming  the  northern  boundary 
of  the  lagoon  could  now  be  seen  on  either  bow,  and,  as 
soon  as  the  launch  was  seen  by  the  savages,  numbers  of 
canoes  put  off  from  them  and  landed  upon  the  island 
for  which  the  launch  was  headed.  Two  of  these  canoes 
passed  close  to  the  launch  as  she  was  beating  up  to 
weather  an  intervening  reef ;  and  these  Lieutenant 


28  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Paulding  arrested  and  searched,  although  each  was 
manned  with  twenty  savages  armed  with  spears  and 
stones.  The  intrepidity  of  this  act,  perhaps  coupled 
with  a  vague  fear  of  the  effects  of  the  white  men's 
weapons,  completely  overawed  the  savages ;  but  find 
ing  nothing  in  the  canoes,  Lieutenant  Paulding  suffered 
them  to  proceed.  Drawn  up  on  the  beach  of  the 
island  toward  which  they  headed  were  about  twenty 
large  canoes,  each  of  which  would  carry  from  thirty  to 
forty  men.  The  canoes  which  had  been  boarded  sailed 
at  least  three  miles  to  the  launch's  one,  and  it  was  evi 
dent  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrest  the  muti 
neers  of  the  Globe  whilst  they,  or  their  allies  the 
natives,  had  the  disposal  of  such  a  fleet  of  vessels  with 
which  to  elude  their  pursuers.  Lieutenant  Paulding, 
therefore,  determined  to  capture  the  whole  fleet  of 
canoes,  even  though  he  should  be  opposed  by  the 
natives  and  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  measuring  his 
strength  with  theirs.  The  boldness  of  this  plan,  as 
will  presently  be  seen,  secured  the  accomplishment  of 
the  main  object  of  the  expedition. 

The  island  toward  which  the  course  was  directed  was 
small,  with  few  trees  and  consequently  but  a  small 
number  of  huts,  but  there  was  a  crowd  of  several  hun 
dred  savages  assembled  on  the  shore.  As  Lieutenant 
Paulding  approached  he  could  see  that  they  were  send 
ing  their  women  and  children  to  the  huts,  a  movement 
which  clearly  indicated  a  disposition  to  hostility.  How 
ever,  the  launch  continued  to  advance,  and  as  there  was 
some  surf  on  the  beach  a  kedge  was  dropped  outside 
the  line  of  breakers,  and  the  boat  was  in  the  act  of  veer- 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  29 

ing  to  through  the  surf  when  a  person  in  the  guise 
of  a  native  advanced  from  the  crowd  of  savages  on 
shore  and  addressed  Lieutenant  Paulding  in  English. 
He  stood  on  the  beach,  thirty  or  forty  yards  from  the 
launch  and  halfway  between  it  and  the  natives,  who 
had  now  seated  themselves  on  the  sand.  The  words 
which  he  uttered  were  "  The  Indians  are  going  to  kill 
you :  don't  land  unless  you  are  prepared  to  fight ! " 
Although  all  were  convinced  that  this  was  one  of  the 
men  they  had  been  looking  for,  the  sensation  created 
by  his  wild  attire  and  sudden  appearance,  and  above  all 
by  his  words,  seemed  like  the  illusion  of  fancy.  His 
hair  was  long,  combed  up  and  tied  in  a  knot  on  top  of 
his  head ;  he  was  naked,  except  for  a  mat  about  the 
loins,  and  the  action  of  the  tropical  sun,  combined  with 
the  use  of  cocoanut  oil,  had  tanned  his  skin  as  dark  as 
that  of  a  native.  He  repeated  his  warning  with  great 
earnestness,  and  in  a  few  hasty  words  described  the  plan 
of  the  savages,  which  was  to  prevail  upon  the  boat's  crew 
to  land  and  seat  themselves  among  them,  when  on  a 
given  signal  the  savages  would  rise  and  knock  them  on 
the  head  with  stones.  This  seemed  probable  enough, 
but  still  the  knowledge  that  this  was  one  of  the  muti 
neers  rendered  his  conduct  suspicious,  especially  as  he 
had  been  eluding  the  searching  parties  instead  of  giv 
ing  himself  up  at  once,  which  he  would  naturally  have 
done  if  he  were  innocent,  or  if  he  desired  protection. 
Lieutenant  Paulding  asked  him  his  name,  and  he  said 
he  was  William  Lay,  one  of  the  crew  of  the  Globe. 
His  stature  answered  to  the  description  that  had  been 
furnished  to  Captain  Percival  of  the  individuals  of  the 


30  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Globe's  crew.  Lieutenant  Paulding  bade  him  come  to 
the  boat,  but  he  replied  that  he  was  afraid  to  as  the 
savages  had  ordered  him  to  advance  no  nearer.  He 
was  then  told  to  make  a  run  for  it,  relying  on  the 
boat's  crew  for  protection,  but  he  again  declined,  say 
ing  that  the  savages  would  kill  him  with  stones  before 
he  could  reach  the  surf. 

This  colloquy  had  lasted  but  a  very  few  minutes  dur 
ing  which  those  in  the  boat  had  not  ceased  to  veer 
slowly  through  the  surf,  while  the  natives  had  remained 
seated  on  the  sand,  evidently  thinking  that  Lay  was 
arranging  their  plan  as  directed ;  they  now  called  on 
him  to  know  what  Lieutenant  Paulding  had  said.  The 
latter  saw  that  he  would  gain  by  pretending  to  assent 
to  the  ruse,  and  directed  Lay  to  answer  accordingly. 
The  boat  having  reached  the  shore  he  landed  and 
formed  the  crew,  leaving  the  boat-keepers  in  the  boat 
with  orders  to  be  ready  to  haul  out  to  the  anchor  at  a 
moment's  notice.  Then  at  the  word  the  men  drew 
their  cutlasses  and  pistols  and  advanced  up  the  beach. 
Lieutenant  Paulding  seized  Lay,  and  still  doubting 
whether  he  were  not  more  foe  than  friend,  clapped  a 
pistol  to  his  breast  and  again  exclaimed,  "  Who  are 
you  ?  "  To  this  Lay  replied,  "  I  am  your  man,"  and 
burst  into  tears.  Paulding  turned  instantly  toward  the 
crowd  of  savages  and  leveling  his  pistol  bade  Lay  tell 
them  that  if  they  rose  from  their  seats  or  threw  a  single 
stone  he  would  kill  them  all.  But  Lay  was  completely 
overcome,  and  instead  of  complying  with  this  command 
broke  into  hysterical  and  incoherent  ejaculations,  half 
in  English  and  half  in  the  native  language.  The  sav- 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  31 

ages  leaped  to  their  feet  with  threatening  gestures ;  but 
Paulding,  supported  by  his  crew,  kept  his  pistol  steadily 
leveled  and  sternly  commanded  Lay  to  repeat  his  threat. 
Several  of  the  boldest  continued  to  advance,  but  not 
finding  themselves  supported  by  their  companions,  they 
fell  back,  all  except  one  unarmed  old  man.  This  was 
Lay's  benefactor,  or  rather  owner,  who  had  saved  his 
life,  as  Lay  explained,  at  the  general  massacre  of  the 
Globe's  crew,  and  who  seemed  much  affected  when  Lay 
explained  to  him  in  a  few  words  what  his  countrymen 
intended  to  do  with  him ;  nor  was  Lay  himself  want 
ing  in  sensibility  or  gratitude  in  parting  with  him. 
However,  no  time  was  to  be  lost  lest  the  savages  should 
recover  from  their  first  surprise  and  make  an  attack. 
Lay  was  therefore  hurried  to  the  boat,  cutting  short 
this  interview  somewhat  peremptorily,  and  the  launch 
was  at  once  hauled  out  through  the  surf,  and  was  soon 
out  of  range  of  the  savages'  weapons. 

This  scene  has  been  described  in  very  nearly  Lieu 
tenant  Paulding's  own  language.  It  made  a  lasting 
impression  on  those  who  witnessed  it ;  naturally  so  on 
the  mind  of  a  boy  of  eighteen,  and  in  after  life  Davis 
was  fond  of  recalling  the  adventures  of  this  cruise. 
The  fight  with  the  sharks  at  Caroline  Island,  the  hand- 
to-hand  tustles  at  Byron's  and  Drummond's  islands 
with  naked  savages  covered  with  cocoanut  oil  and  as 
slippery  as  eels,  and  above  all  this  scene  at  the  Mul- 
graves,  and  the  boldness  and  nerve  of  Paulding,  were 
many  times  recalled  in  familiar  talk  at  home.  A  bio 
graphical  sketch  of  Admiral  Paulding  appeared  in 
"  Harper's  Magazine " l  soon  after  his  death,  and 

1  February,  1879. 


32  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

speaking  of  the  cruise  of  the  Dolphin,  the  author 
says :  "  Among  the  midshipmen  was  the  late  Rear 
Admiral  Charles  Henry  Davis,  who  told  the  writer  of 
this  sketch  that  the  boldest  act  he  ever  witnessed  was 
performed  by  Lieutenant  Paulding  in  the  seizure  of 
one  of  the  mutineers  in  the  face  of  a  mob  of  infuriated 
savages  armed  with  clubs  and  spears,  .  .  .  the  natives 
being  so  much  surprised  at  the  audacity  of  the  act  that 
they  made  no  attempt  at  recapture  until  it  was  too 
late." 

As  soon  as  the  boat  was  out  of  danger  from  the 
savages,  Lieutenant  Paulding  learned  from  Lay  the  fol 
lowing  particulars :  All  of  the  mutineers  of  the  Globe 
were  dead  except  himself  and  another  lad  named  Cyrus 
Huzzy.  There  had  been  a  quarrel  between  the  muti 
neers  and  the  natives  very  soon  after  the  escape  of 
the  ship,  which  had  ended  in  a  general  massacre,  the 
natives  adopting  the  same  method  that  they  had  in 
tended  to  apply  to  Lieutenant  Paulding  and  his  boat's 
crew.  Lay  and  Huzzy  had  been  spared  on  account  of 
their  youth,  and  were  enslaved  by  the  natives.  Huzzy 
was  now  on  a  neighboring  island.  Lay  admitted  that 
both  he  and  Huzzy  knew  that  the  parties  from  the 
schooner  were  searching  for  them,  but  they  had  been 
closely  watched  and  guarded  by  the  natives  ever  since 
the  Dolphin  had  been  at  the  islands.  The  chiefs  had 
sent  a  spy  on  board,  who  had  counted  the  number  of 
her  guns,  and  within  a  very  few  of  the  number  of  her 
men.  They  had  been  kept  constantly  apprised  of  the 
force  and  motions  of  the  search  parties,  and  had  seri 
ously  contemplated  an  attack  on  the  Dolphin,  and  had 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  33 

consulted  Lay  and  Huzzy,  but  these  had  dissuaded  the 
savages,  assuring  them  that  the  schooner  was  invin 
cible.  They  had  even  made  the  chiefs  believe  that 
the  Dolphin  could  sink  the  islands  with  her  cannon ; 
but  they  still  adhered  tenaciously  to  the  idea  of  de 
stroying  the  invaders,  and  a  variety  of  plans  had  been 
concocted  by  those  chiefs  who  were  considered  the 
wisest  and  bravest,  all  of  which  had  been  submitted  to 
Lay  and  Huzzy.  Some  of  these  plans  gave  evidence 
of  superior  intelligence  and  cunning,  which  it  was 
hard  to  reconcile  with  their  blind  fear  of  the  white 
man's  superiority. 

Having  refreshed  his  crew,  Lieutenant  Paulding 
headed  his  boat  for  the  island  on  which  Huzzy  was 
said  to  be,  making  for  a  village  in  front  of  which  a 
single  large  canoe  was  hauled  up  on  the  beach.  As 
the  launch  landed,  the  chief  of  the  island  approached, 
attended  only  by  a  few  women.  He  was  instantly 
seized,  and  commanded  to  produce  Huzzy  on  pain  of 
death.  Some  of  the  women  ran  off  and  presently  ap 
peared  with  Huzzy,  who  could  easily  have  been  mis 
taken  for  a  native,  except  for  his  long  yellow  hair, 
which  hung  in  ringlets  on  his  shoulders.  Lugoma  —  for 
such  was  the  chief's  name  — manifested  an  extreme  re 
luctance  to  part  with  his  son,  as  he  called  Huzzy ;  but, 
though  the  latter  owed  his  life  to  this  old  chief,  and 
had  been  indebted  to  him  for  many  acts  of  kindness, 
he  had  been  living  with  him  in  a  state  of  bondage, 
and  had  been  made  useful  in  many  ways,  and  so  the 
old  man's  reluctance  was  not  altogether  disinterested. 
However,  Lieutenant  Paulding  cut  short  this  coUoquy  by 


34  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ordering  Huzzy  into  the  boat ;  and,  as  Lugoma  begged 
hard  to  accompany  them,  he  was  permitted  to  embark 
also,  and  accompanied  the  party  during  a  part  of  its 
return  journey  to  the  ship.  The  day  was  now  far 
advanced,  and  the  launch  started  at  once  to  return 
to  the  ship.  They  were  joined  by  another  boat  from 
the  Dolphin,  which  had  been  sent  for  news  of  them ; 
and  both  boats  anchored  for  the  night  at  a  point  about 
twenty  miles  from  Lugoma's  island,  where  the  chief 
landed  the  next  morning,  and  the  boats  returned  to  the 
Dolphin. 

So  much  has  been  told  of  the  mutiny  of  the  Globe 
and  the  search  for  the  mutineers,  in  which  Davis  took 
so  active  a  part,  that  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  com 
plete  the  narrative  by  a  brief  recital  of  the  facts  learned 
by  Captain  Percival  before  the  Dolphin  finally  left  the 
Mulgrave  Islands. 

The  mutiny  had  been  headed  by  a  man  named  Corn- 
stock,  as  already  related,  the  other  principal  mutineers 
being  Oliver,  Paine,  and  the  black  steward.  After  the 
murder  of  the  captain  and  three  mates,  Comstock,  who 
was  a  boat-steerer,  mustered  the  crew  on  the  quarter 
deck  and  took  command  of  the  ship.  He  was  the  only 
one  on  board  who  could  navigate,  and  he  made  the 
others  swear  allegiance.  There  were  thirty-five  or  forty 
men  and  boys  on  board,  and  they  all  swore,  those  who 
had  taken  no  part  in  the  mutiny  being  in  ignorance  of 
the  number  involved,  and  being  in  terror  of  their  lives. 
Very  soon  after  the  event  the  black  steward  was  de 
tected  by  Comstock  in  the  act  of  loading  a  pistol.  He 
was  tried  by  a  summary  mock  court,  sentenced  to  death, 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  35 

and  hung  at  the  yardarm.  Comstock  took  the  ship 
first  to  Drummond's  Island,  but  here  the  natives 
were  very  numerous  and  thievish,  and  Comstock  shot 
one  of  them,  after  which  he  was  afraid  to  stay  among 
them,  so  he  came  to  the  Mulgrave  Islands,  where  he 
anchored  and  began  to  land  the  stores.  A  raft  was 
made  of  two  whaleboats  and  some  spars,  and  on  the 
first  day  some  thirty  barrels  of  beef  and  pork,  sails, 
rigging,  and  a  variety  of  other  articles  were  landed. 
Comstock  pitched  a  tent  on  shore,  and  on  the  second 
day  began,  with  the  ship's  mechanics,  to  work  on  a 
whaleboat  which  he  intended  to  raise  upon  and  make 
larger.  Paine  was  displeased  at  this,  and  a  violent 
quarrel  between  the  two  ensued,  so  that  Comstock  was 
afraid  to  sleep  that  night  in  the  tent,  and  went  off  to 
pass  the  night  among  the  natives.  Paine  and  Oliver 
agreed  to  kill  him  when  he  came  back.  Accordingly, 
the  next  morning,  as  he  was  seen  approaching  along 
the  beach,  they  opened  fire  on  him  and  killed  him. 
Comstock  seems  to  have  been,  although  the  greater 
scoundrel,  a  man  of  intelligence  superior  to  the  others, 
and  he  had  probably  formed  a  project  of  imitating  the 
example  of  the  mutineers  of  the  Bounty,  of  whose 
settlement  on  Pitcairn's  Island  he  had  probably  heard ; 
for  he  had  marked  off  the  site  for  a  town,  and  selected 
a  spot  for  the  church  and  the  schoolhouse. 

After  Comstock's  murder  Paine  took  command. 
The  natives  had  been  extremely  friendly,  so  that  the 
mutineers  were  not  in  the  least  afraid  of  them,  and 
many  of  them  were  constantly  at  the  tent,  eating  and 
sleeping  there.  Paine  had  a  native  girl,  who  was  afraid 


36  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

of  him,  and  ran  away  whenever  she  had  an  opportunity. 
He  fired  his  musket  at  her  several  times,  and  at  last 
kept  her  by  putting  her  in  irons.  A  few  days  after 
the  ship  escaped,  some  of  the  natives,  who  had  been  at 
the  tent,  stole  a  number  of  tools ;  so  Paine  gave  some 
of  his  people  muskets  without  cartridges  (which  he  kept 
under  lock  and  key),  and  sent  them  to  the  natives  — 
a  great  number  of  whom  were  assembled  not  far  off  — 
to  demand  the  stolen  articles.  The  savages  refused  to 
give  them  up,  and  began  to  throw  stones  at  the  men, 
followed  them  toward  the  tent,  and  killed  one  of  them. 
When  the  party  got  back  to  the  tent,  Paine  ordered  all 
the  muskets  brought  to  him  and  locked  them  up.  A 
few  hours  after,  the  natives  came  to  the  tent  as  usual, 
but  in  greater  numbers,  and  almost  immediately  the 
massacre  began,  Paine  being  the  first  man  killed. 
Women  and  children  participated  in  the  slaughter,  and 
the  Globe  people,  who  were  unarmed  and  outnumbered, 
were  knocked  on  the  head  with  stones  and  clubs  and 
run  through  with  spears.  Lay  and  Huzzy  were  the 
only  ones  spared.  They  were  taken  separately  to  other 
islands  and  became  the  property  of  their  captors,  and 
were  harshly  and  cruelly  treated  at  first,  though  their 
condition  was  afterwards  somewhat  ameliorated. 

The  simplest  communities  are  not  necessarily  arca 
dian,  and  the  common  contrasts  of  power  and  impo 
tence,  poverty  and  affluence,  intelligence  and  ignorance, 
were  noticeable  among  these  people.  Lay's  captor  was 
very  poor  and  treated  his  slave  with  rigor,  and  starved 
him,  and  finally  sold  him  to  a  chief,  with  whom  he 
received  better  treatment.  Huzzy  became  the  property 


CRUISE  OF  THE  SCHOONER  DOLPHIN  37 

of  Lugoma,  and  was  employed  mostly  on  the  water,  in 
charge  of  the  canoe,  and  was  better  treated.  Lay  and 
Huzzy  were  permitted  to  see  each  other  about  once  a 
fortnight. 

Before  leaving  the  Mulgrave  Islands,  the  southern 
part  of  the  chain  was  surveyed  by  the  officers  of  the 
Dolphin^  and  the  schooner  sailed  all  the  way  round  the 
group,  making  a  rough  running  survey  of  the  whole. 
Through  the  influence  of  Lugoma,  an  interview  was 
arranged  with  the  principal  chiefs,  who  were  received 
on  board  ship,  and  an  interchange  of  presents  took 
place,  Captain  Percival  profiting  by  the  opportunity  to 
read  the  chiefs  a  lecture  on  the  subject  of  their  treat 
ment  of  the  mutineers.  While  the  Dolphin  was  at 
these  islands  the  ship's  surgeon  died,  and  was  buried 
on  shore  with  military  honors,  his  grave  being  marked 
with  a  metal  plate  suitably  inscribed,  spiked  to  the 
trunk  of  a  bread-fruit  tree  under  which  he  was  buried. 
At  the  request  of  Captain  Percival,  the  principal  chief 
tabooed  the  surgeon's  grave.1  Captain  Percival  also 
planted  a  number  of  seeds  of  various  kinds  and  loosed 
a  pair  of  pigs.  The  son  of  the  principal  chief  begged 
to  be  allowed  to  accompany  the  ship,  but  Captain  Perci 
val  refused  to  take  him. 

The  Mulgrave  Islands  at  the  time  of  the  Dolphin's 
visit  had  almost  never  been  visited  by  civilized  man. 
Lieutenant  Paulding  made  an  interesting  study  of  the 
islands  and  their  people,  from  which  it  would  be  out  of 

1  When  these  islands  were  visited  by  the  U.  S.  S.  Narragansett  in  1872, 
the  doctor's  grave  was  found  in  good  order,  and  the  taboo  was  still 
respected. 


38  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

place  to  quote  at  length.  The  community  of  natives 
presented  a  picturesque  view  of  a  people  in  a  state 
of  savage  simplicity,  whose  confidence  was  easily  won 
under  fair  treatment,  and  who  were  characterized  by 
traits  made  familiar  in  the  descriptions  given  by  early 
navigators  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  South  Sea  Islands, 
while  they  were  still  unsullied  by  contact  with  civilized 
man,  communication  with  whom  has  invariably  led  to 
the  debasement  of  the  native  races.  The  islands  were 
thickly  inhabited,  and  the  people  sustained  their  simple 
existence  by  the  cultivation  of  the  cocoanut  and  bread 
fruit,  and  by  fishing.  Now  the  islands  are  exploited 
by  a  German  trading  company,  the  missionary  has 
taken  full  charge,  and  the  native  population  has  dwin 
dled  to  a  total  of  less  than  seven  hundred.  So  little 
did  these  conditions  appear  probable  in  1825  that  the 
officers  of  the  Dolphin  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
islands  would  seldom  be  visited  again  except  by  occa 
sional  whalers. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    DOLPHIN  —  THE   UNITED   STATES  —  THE  ERIE  —  EXAM 
INATION 

THE  Dolphin  sailed  from  the  Mulgrave  Islands  on 
the  morning  of  December  9th  and  stood  to  the  west 
ward.  She  touched  at  Peddars  Island  the  follow 
ing  day,  and  then  shaped  a  course  for  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  stopping  occasionally  during  the  passage  to 
verify  certain  reported  discoveries  of  rocks  and  islands 
on  the  part  of  whaleships,  then  almost  the  only  vessels 
that  navigated  these  seas.  Bird  Island,  the  first  land 
of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  was  made  on  January  9th 
(1826),  and  such  was  the  imperfection  of  the  charts, 
and  so  little  knowledge  relating  to  these  islands  ob 
tained  at  this  time,  that  the  Dolphin  did  not  reach  the 
anchorage  at  Honolulu  until  the  15th,  six  days  after 
sighting  Bird  Island,  and  the  port  itself  had  no  name  in 
those  days,  being  spoken  of  occasionally  as  Oonavoora, 
and  sometimes  as  the  Port  of  Wooahoo  (Oahu).  Still 
the  islands,  and  especially  the  port  of  Honolulu,  had 
already  acquired  some  importance  as  a  place  of  resort 
for  whaling-ships,  several  American  merchants  were 
established  there,  and  the  missionaries  were  also  repre 
sented,  the  head  of  the  American  mission  being  the 
famous  Mr.  Bingham,  alluded  to  by  Dana,  in  his  "  Two 


40  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Years  before  the  Mast/'  as  the  godfather  of  one  of  his 
Kanaka  shipmates.  The  Dolphin  was  the  first  United 
States  vessel  that  ever  visited  the  islands,  and  the  pre 
sence  of  an  American  man-of-war  was  a  matter  of  real 
importance  to  merchant  ships  and  the  Americans  on 
shore.  Honolulu  was  the  favorite  port  of  call  for 
whaling-ships,  and  was  at  that  time  visited  by  about 
fifty  American  vessels  annually.  The  months  of  Janu 
ary,  February,  and  March  being  the  least  favorable  for 
whaling,  vessels  left  their  cruising  grounds  and  came 
here  to  refresh  and  refit.  During  the  stay  of  the  Dol 
phin  there  were  more  than  twenty  of  these  ships  in 
port,  some  of  which  remained  only  a  few  days  and 
others  one  or  two  months,  according  to  their  several 
necessities,  and  the  seamen,  after  long  confinement  on 
board,  were  apt  to  be  riotous  and  insubordinate  on 
shore.  Captain  Percival  had  the  satisfaction  of  being 
constantly  useful  to  the  masters  of  these  vessels  and  to 
the  whaling  interest  by  restraining  the  violence  of  these 
men,  and  coercing  them  to  a  proper  sense  of  obedience. 
The  unruly  were  arrested,  brought  on  board  the  Dol 
phin,  and  flogged  at  the  gangway.  Such  were  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  captain  of  a  man-of-war  in 
those  days,  and  the  presence  of  a  government  ship  in 
a  remote  port  frequented  by  merchant  vessels  was  of 
active  benefit  to  masters  and  owners.  The  Dolphin 
made  a  long  stay  at  Honolulu,  was  hove  down,  and 
thoroughly  repaired  and  refitted.  The  islands  at  this 
time  were  in  the  first  stage  of  transition  from  barba 
rism  to  civilization.  The  natives  were  still  naked  sav 
ages,  but  were  nominally  converted  to  Christianity,  and 


THE  DOLPHIN  41 

were  directed  in  matters  of  faith  and  doctrine  by  Mr. 
Bingham,  whose  influence  was  far-reaching,  as  he  con 
trolled  the  native  chiefs  and  really  represented  in  his 
own  person  the  government  of  the  islands.  An  inci 
dent  illustrating  the  childlike  character  of  these  still 
simple  savages  occurred  during  the  stay  of  the  Dolphin. 
Some  of  the  officers  had  made  up  a  party  for  an  excur 
sion  to  Pearl  Kiver,  under  the  guidance  of  one  of  the 
American  residents.  The  day  chosen  was  a  Saturday, 
and  they  were  to  pass  the  night  at  the  habitation  of  an 
old  chief,  who  was  not  apprised  in  advance.  They 
found  the  old  man  evidently  disconcerted  at  the  appear 
ance  of  so  large  a  party  of  uninvited  guests,  and  when 
told  that  they  wanted  supper  he  replied  that  it  was  the 
Sabbath,  and  neither  then  nor  the  next  day  could  a 
fire  be  kindled,  as  it  was  forbidden  by  the  Almighty. 
When  asked  how  he  knew  that  it  was  forbidden  by  the 
Almighty,  he  said  that  Mr.  Bingham  had  seen  the 
Almighty,  who  had  told  him  so.  This  was  rather  a 
damper  on  the  promised  enjoyment  of  the  excursion, 
but  fortunately  a  native  named  Joe  Banks,  who  had 
been  brought  along  as  cook  and  interpreter,  came  to 
the  rescue.  Joe  Banks  had  no  more  mind  to  fast 
than  the  others,  and  not  being  wanting  in  volubility 
he  harangued  the  old  chief  to  such  effect  that  a  fire 
was  soon  kindled  and  a  pig  and  a  kid  brought  up  for 
slaughter.  The  real  force  of  his  argument  was  lost 
to  the  officers,  as  it  was  unintelligible.  There  was  an 
epidemic  of  influenza  at  the  islands  during  the  Dol 
phin's  stay,  from  which  the  crew  suffered ;  and,  in  fact, 
both  in  Honolulu  and  on  the  voyage  to  Valparaiso 


42  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

there  was  much  sickness  on  board.  The  hardships  of 
a  sea  life  at  that  time  can  hardly  be  appreciated  now. 
The  ship  was  small  and  crowded ;  water  was  carried 
in  wooden  casks,  and  became  foul  and  nasty,  and 
even  of  that  the  allowance  was  very  small;  salt  pro 
visions  were  exclusively  used  at  sea,  and  bread  became 
mouldy  and  infested  with  weevils ;  the  nature  and 
treatment  of  scurvy,  a  terribly  common  disease  on 
board  ship,  was  entirely  unknown.  The  commonest 
rules  of  ship  hygiene,  so  thoroughly  applied  in  mod 
ern  ships,  were  totally  neglected;  and  finally,  the 
ship  had  lost  her  surgeon  at  the  Mulgrave  Islands. 
Many  men  and  almost  all  the  officers  were  on  the  sick 
list  at  various  times.  Captain  Percival  was  ill  for  a 
good  part  of  the  voyage  after  leaving  Honolulu,  and 
the  service  for  those  who  remained  fit  for  duty  must 
have  been  indescribably  harassing,  for  the  ship  was 
sailing  in  an  unknown  sea  full  of  doubtful  islands  and 
unreported  dangers,  and  vigilance  could  never  be  re 
laxed.  As  the  Dolphin  drew  toward  Valparaiso  she 
approached  high  latitudes  at  the  stormy  season  of  the 
year,  with  a  crew  enervated  by  sickness  and  by  long 
exposure  in  the  tropics.  For  a  vivid  picture  of  sea  life 
in  those  days  read  Dana's  splendid  narrative  of  the 
homeward  voyage  of  the  Alert  round  Cape  Horn,  less 
than  ten  years  later,  the  great  prose  epic  of  the  sea. 

The  Dolphin  sailed  from  Honolulu  on  the  llth  of 
May,  and  on  the  night  of  June  7th  land  was  dis 
covered  close  aboard.  As  this  land  did  not  appear  on 
the  chart  the  Dolphin  lay  to  for  the  night,  and  in  the 
morning  discovered  an  unknown  island,  one  of  the  out- 


THE  DOLPHIN  43 

lying  islands  of  the  Society  group,  to  which  Captain 
Percival  gave  the  name  of  Hull  Island,  in  honor  of  the 
commodore.1  Continuing  her  voyage  the  schooner 
touched  at  Kaiatea  and  Lubai  of  the  Society  Islands, 
and  at  the  latter  island  she  remained  a  week.  It  was 
here  that  the  mutineers  of  the  Bounty  made  their  first 
landing  and  built  a  fort,  but  were  forced  to  abandon 
the  settlement  on  account  of  the  hostility  and  treachery 
of  the  natives.  They  had  a  war  here  with  the  savages 
and  killed  a  good  many  of  them,  and  if  their  estimate 
of  the  number  of  inhabitants  is  nearly  correct,  the 
population  must  have  already  greatly  diminished  at  the 
time  of  the  Dolphin's  visit.  The  distance  from  the  So 
ciety  Islands  to  Valparaiso  is  about  three  thousand  five 
hundred  miles,  but  the  Dolphin  had  been  steered  well 
to  the  southward  for  the  benefit  of  the  westerly  winds, 
and  so  the  wind  was  fair  for  most  of  the  voyage.  Pro 
visions  began  to  run  low,  and  the  tarro  or  yam  of  the 
Society  Islands  was  used  instead  of  bread.  It  was  with 
a  feeling  of  relief  that  the  island  of  Mas-a-fuera  was 
sighted  on  the  afternoon  of  July  19th.  Juan  Fernan 
dez  was  in  sight  the  next  morning ;  and  from  these 
islands  to  the  coast  of  Chili  the  run  in  is  always  with 
a  fair  wind,  so  that  the  Dolphin  anchored  at  Valparaiso 
on  the  26th.  Captain  Percival  not  finding  the  commo 
dore  here,  sailed  for  Callao,  where  he  joined  the  flag  on 
the  20th  of  August,  after  an  absence  of  a  year.  The 
officers  and  men  of  the  Dolphin  were  transferred  to  the 
United  States,  a  new  detail  from  the  frigate  relieving 

1  Hull  Island  lies  to  the  southward  of  the  Society  group  and  about 
midway  between  the  Austral  and  Hervey  or  Cook  islands. 


44  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

them,  and  Lay  and  Huzzy  were  included  in  this  general 
transfer  and  became  members  of  the  frigate's  crew. 

The  war  in  Peru  was  over,  the  castle  of  Callao,  the 
last  stronghold  of  Spanish  royalty,  having  been  sur 
rendered  on  the  24th  of  January,  1826,  the  United 
States  being  the  first  vessel  to  salute  the  Peruvian 
flag ;  and  Commodore  Hull  was  expecting  his  relief  on 
the  station.  Accordingly  the  United  States  sailed  for 
Valparaiso,  where  she  found  the  Brandywine,  frigate, 
with  Commodore  Jacob  Jones,  Commodore  Hull's  suc 
cessor.  The  United  States  hoisted  the  red  pennant, 
the  two  frigates  sailed  together  on  January  24,  1827, 
and,  after  an  exchange  of  salutes  at  sea,  parted  com 
pany,  the  Brandywine  standing  to  the  northward  and 
the  United  States  homeward  bound.  The  passage 
round  Cape  Horn  was  made  without  incident.  The 
ship  touched  at  Bahia,  Barbados,  and  St.  Thomas,  and 
anchored  in  Earitan  Bay  on  April  23d,  eighty-nine  days 
from  Valparaiso.  The  next  day,  the  wind  being  fair, 
she  got  under  way,  stood  up  through  the  Narrows  and 
anchored  in  the  North  River,  and  on  the  30th  she  was 
towed  to  the  navy  yard  and  paid  off,  the  navy  yard 
people  taking  charge  of  the  sMp,  and  the  officers  pro 
ceeding  to  their  homes. 

Perhaps  the  story  of  this  first  cruise  in  the  Pacific 
has  been  written  at  too  great  length.  A  biography 
should  summarize  unimportant  events  in  order  to  dwell 
at  length  on  those  of  greater  consequence,  and  the 
whole  of  the  cruise  of  the  United  States  and  Dolphin 
might  have  been  summed  up  in  a  single  paragraph. 
Lieutenant  Paulding's  book  offered  abundant  material, 


THE  UNITED  STATES  45 

and  the  temptation  to  rewrite  a  forgotten  chapter  in 
the  history  of  the  service,  even  at  the  risk  of  irrele 
vancy,  was  irresistible.  But  there  is  another  reason, 
or  perhaps  rather  another  excuse,  which  may  justify 
the  story  of  this  cruise,  and  that  is,  the  desire  to  pre 
sent,  as  vividly  as  possible,  the  contrast  between  the 
education  of  the  young  officer,  in  the  days  when  the 
best  field  of  training  was  still  believed  to  be  the  sea, 
and  the  purely  academic  course  pursued  at  the  present 
day.  Davis  was  barely  twenty  years  old  when  he  fin 
ished  this  cruise,  in  which  he  had  borne  his  share  in 
peril  and  adventure,  and,  more  important  still,  his  share 
of  responsibility.  Farragut  was  thirteen  in  the  action 
between  the  Essex  and  Phoebe.  The  officers  of  the 
old  service  who  attained  distinction  were  characterized 
not  only  by  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  their  pro 
fession,  but  by  sound  judgment,  firmness,  readiness, 
and  decision.  What  part  of  this  was  the  effect  of 
an  early  experience  in  fighting  and  danger  and  adven 
ture,  and,  above  all,  in  responsibility  ?  Were  these 
traits  inherent  in  the  men  themselves,  and  would  they 
have  been  as  strongly  developed  within  the  walls  of 
a  rural  college  on  the  banks  of  a  shallow  stream  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  ocean  ?  The  wisdom 
of  the  present  generation  has  answered  the  last  ques 
tion  unhesitatingly  in  the  affirmative,  and  the  argu 
ments  for  the  purely  academic  training  of  sea  officers 
are  held  to  be  unanswerable.  The  salient  requirements 
of  the  naval  profession  remain  the  same,  whether  the 
ship  moves  under  oars  or  sails  or  steam ;  and  while  (to 
borrow  a  phrase  from  a  recent  English  writer)  the 


46  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

young  officer  of  to-day  has  been  taught  how  each 
thing  ought  to  be  done,  the  young  officer  of  the  old 
service  knew  how  to  do  it.  Whatever  the  defects  of 
the  old  system  may  have  been,  it  produced,  in  Davis's 
case  at  least,  not  only  an  accomplished  officer,  but  a 
scholar  and  a  student  of  science.  As  has  been  said 
before,  the  result  of  the  old  system  was  the  survival  of 
the  fittest.  The  hundreds  who  failed  in  the  race  and 
dropped  by  the  wayside  have  long  since  been  lost  sight 
of  and  forgotten.  Now  the  whole  mass  of  original 
material  is  worked  up  to  the  common  standard,  and 
every  individual  succeeds. 

A  leave  of  absence  of  three  months,  which  Davis 
passed  at  his  father's  house  in  Boston,  succeeded  the 
cruise  in  the  Pacific ;  and  in  July,  1827,  he  received  his 
warrant  and  an  appointment  to  the  Erie,  sloop-of-war, 
fitting  at  New  York  for  the  West  India  station.  He 
reported  on  board  the  Erie  on  the  3d  of  August,  in 
time  to  take  part  in  the  preparation  of  the  ship  for 
sea,  the  fitting  and  rigging  being  performed  by  her 
own  crew  under  the  direction  of  her  own  officers. 

There  is  no  event  of  special  interest  connected  with 
the  cruise  of  the  Erie.  The  squadron  in  the  West 
Indies  was  commanded  by  Commodore  Ridgeley,  and 
consisted  of  the  Natchez,  Hornet,  Erie,  and  Falmouth, 
sloops,  and  the  Grampus  and  Shark,  schooners.  Piracy 
in  the  West  Indies,  so  long  a  scourge  to  commerce, 
had  been  for  the  time  suppressed,  although  occasional 
rumors  of  renewed  acts  of  piracy  had  created  recent 
uneasiness.  Commodore  Porter,  who  was  then  in  the 
service  of  Mexico,  had  issued  a  proclamation  inviting 


THE  ERIE  47 

all  those  who  were  disposed  to  fit  out  privateers,  to 
cruise  against  Spain,  to  apply  to  him  for  commissions ; 
and  two  of  these  vessels  had  used  the  port  of  Key  West 
as  a  rendezvous  from  which  to  carry  on  belligerent 
operations.  In  addition,  political  convulsions  in  several 
of  the  countries  bordering  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
the  want  of  any  regularly  organized  governments  in 
many  of  the  ports,  offered  grounds  for  apprehension 
as  to  the  safety  of  American  commerce  and  the  rights 
of  American  citizens.  These  causes  were  sufficient  to 
keep  the  small  squadron  constantly  employed. 

The  Erie,  under  the  command  of  Master-Command 
ant  Daniel  Turner,  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  28th 
of  August  to  join  Commodore  Ridgeley's  squadron. 
A  week  out,  the  ship  encountered  a  hurricane,  in  which 
she  made  very  bad  weather  indeed.  As  the  storm 
increased,  sail  was  reduced  on  the  ship  until  she  lay 
to  under  storm-staysails,  laboring  heavily  and  shipping 
heavy  seas,  so  that  the  waist  and  berth  deck  were 
flooded,  the  wind  at  E.  S.  E.,  and,  with  the  sea,  in 
creasing  momentarily.  Under  these  circumstances,  Cap 
tain  Turner  adopted  the  doubtful  expedient  of  scudding 
under  bare  poles.  Nothing  whatever  was  known  of 
the  laws  of  storms  at  that  time,  for  it  was  several  years 
later  that  Mr.  Redfield  published  his  theory  of  the 
storms  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  Probably  the  Erie  was 
directly  in  the  track  of  the  storm  centre,  and  in  scud 
ding  before  the  wind  she  was  sailing  round  the  storm 
circumference.  Finally,  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  gale, 
the  ship  was  brought  to  under  main  storm-staysail 
and  storm-mizzen,  when  the  wind  immediately  abated. 


48  CHARLES  HE1STRY  DAVIS 

Several  years  later,  in  connection  with  other  scientific 
work,  Davis  took  up  Kedfield's  theory,  and  used  this 
gale  of  the  Erie  as  an  illustration.  Seamen  up  to  that 
time  were  guided  by  limited  common  sense  and  their 
own  experience,  and  the  expedient  of  scudding  was 
one  which  was  generally  adopted  then,  but  which  no 
seaman  in  his  senses  would  think  of  resorting  to  now, 
except  in  certain  well-defined  contingencies. 

The  Erie  continued  to  cruise  on  the  West  India 
station,  visiting  Pensacola,  Key  West,  Havana,  Santiago 
de  Cuba,  and  Matanzas,  and  passing  a  good  deal  of 
time  at  sea,  until  in  April,  1828,  she  joined  the  com 
modore  at  Pensacola.  When  the  Dolphin  was  at  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  Captain  Percival  had  received  intel 
ligence  that  the  American  ship  London  was  ashore  on 
a  neighboring  island,  and  the  master  of  her  begged 
assistance,  as  besides  a  valuable  cargo  he  had  a  treasure 
in  specie  and  bullion  on  board,  and  the  natives  had 
already  plundered  a  part  of  the  cargo.  The  Dolphin 
was  dismasted  and  refitting,  but  Captain  Percival  char 
tered  an  American  merchant  brig,  and,  putting  part  of 
the  crew  of  the  Dolphin  on  board,  took  Davis  with 
him,  and  proceeded  to  the  scene  of  the  wreck.  He 
found  the  ship,  as  represented,  in  distress,  the  natives 
plundering  her,  and  the  crew  in  a  state  of  mutiny. 
Captain  Percival  rescued  the  greater  part  of  the  stolen 
goods,  transferred  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  cargo 
and  the  treasure  to  the  brig,  and  remained  by  the 
wreck  for  a  week,  until  the  whole  of  the  cargo  had 
been  loaded  into  native  boats  and  transferred  to  Hono 
lulu.  When  all  this  had  been  effected,  the  master  of 


EXAMINATION  49 

the  London  refused  to  pay  the  charter-party  of  the 
brig  which  had  been  employed  for  his  relief,  and  Cap 
tain  Percival  adopted  the  summary  process  of  deducting 
the  amount  from  the  treasure  which  was  still  in  his 
possession.  Upon  his  return  to  the  United  States  the 
master  had  procured  an  indictment  against  Percival, 
and  the  latter  was  arrested  as  soon  as  he  reached  New 
York  and  brought  to  trial.  He  was  acquitted,  but  the 
master  of  the  London  was  not  satisfied,  and  began  a 
series  of  complaints  to  the  Navy  Department,  assailing 
Percival's  character  and  his  general  conduct  while  in 
command  of  the  Dolphin  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and 
he  had  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  support  of  the  Board 
of  Foreign  Missions  by  representations  relating  to  Per- 
cival's  intercourse  with  the  natives  and  missionaries. 
It  was  a  very  mixed-up  business,  the  details  of  which 
are  not  worth  notice ;  but  Captain  Percival  asked  for  a 
court  of  inquiry,  which  was  ordered  to  meet  at  the 
Boston  navy  yard,  and  as  Davis  was  the  principal  wit 
ness,  Commodore  Kidgeley  was  directed  to  detach  him 
from  the  Erie  and  send  him  home.  Thus  it  transpired 
that  he  found  himself  on  shore  again  after  a  cruise  of 
less  than  a  year  in  the  West  Indies.  This  short  cruise 
was  altogether  unimportant,  but  it  had  served  to  cement 
the  intimacy  already  existing  with  Foote,  who  was  in 
the  same  squadron,  first  on  board  the  Natchez  and 
later  in  the  'Hornet.  Davis  was  now  looking  forward 
anxiously  to  his  examination,  for  he  had  served  his 
time  as  midshipman  and  was  now  entitled  to  it ;  and 
Foote  had  already  passed  successfully.  Hoppin,  in  his 
Life  of  Foote,  says :  "  Admiral  Davis  says  of  this 


50  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

examination  that  Foote  and  himself  got  news  of  it 
together,  and  the  question  was,  how  to  get  ready. 
They  at  once  set  about  their  preparation  with  great 
earnestness,  consulting  what  books  they  had  access  to, 
but  chiefly  making  practical  observations  and  reducing 
the  science  of  their  profession  to  a  regular  working 
system."  This  must  refer  to  the  cruise  of  the  United 
States,  when  the  impending  examination  was  doubtless 
a  subject  of  anxious  discussion  in  the  steerage  on  the 
passage  home,  for  Foote  was  of  the  date  of  1822,  and 
passed  his  examination  in  April,  1827.  In  fact  Davis, 
writing  from  the  Mississippi  River  in  1862,  when  he 
relieved  Foote  in  front  of  Fort  Pillow,  alludes  to  their 
studies  as  boys,  and  says  that  he  and  Foote  wrote  a 
book  on  seamanship  together.  The  examination  must 
have  been  an  ordeal,  considering  the  total  lack  of 
regular  instruction  for  midshipmen  on  board  ship. 
Still,  there  were  some  facilities  for  those  who  chose  to 
apply  themselves  to  learn.  Navigation  would  be  taught 
by  the  sailing-master  to  promising  pupils,  and  in  the 
daily  practice  of  duty  they  were  learning  seamanship 
as  a  child  learns  to  swim.  Gunnery  was  a  compara 
tively  simple  art  in  those  days,  the  intricacies  of  applied 
mechanical  science  on  board  ship  can  hardly  be  said 
to  have  existed  at  all ;  and  it  is  not  probable  that  much 
time  at  the  examination  was  devoted  to  the  humanities. 
The  court  of  inquiry  in  Captain  Percival's  case  met 
as  ordered  at  the  Boston  yard,  and  Davis  had  the  satis 
faction  of  aiding  materially  in  the  vindication  of  his 
late  commander ;  and  he  now  addressed  the  Navy  De 
partment,  asking  for  a  leave  of  absence  in  order  to 


EXAMINATION  51 

prepare  for  his  examination,  writing :  "  I  trust  that  it 
will  not  be  irrelevant  to  remind  the  department  that 
I  have  hitherto  been  almost  constantly  employed  on 
active  service,  and  therefore  deprived  of  those  superior 
advantages  of  study  and  theoretical  improvement  to  be 
possessed  on  shore,  to  enjoy  which,  rendered  doubly 
important  as  they  are  by  the  near  approach  of  my  ex 
amination,  is  the  object  of  my  present  application." 
The  department  was  graciously  pleased  to  grant  "  leave 
unlimited,"  and  Davis  set  himself  seriously  to  work  to 
prepare  for  the  examination,  at  the  same  time  renewing 
his  early  friendships  and  associations  in  Boston,  and 
entering  heartily  into  the  social  amusements  of  his 
father's  friends.  Those  who  remembered  him  at  this 
time  have  described  him  as  a  young  man  of  handsome 
person  and  engaging  manners,  and  a  favorite  in  society. 
His  father's  house  was  a  centre  of  hospitality ;  his  sisters 
were  young  girls  in  society ;  and  he  entered  the  social 
world  of  Boston  with  every  advantage,  without,  how 
ever,  abating  his  diligence  in  study.  He  had  not 
enjoyed  his  leave  of  absence  long  before  he  received 
orders  to  report  for  duty  on  board  the  receiving  ship  at 
the  Charlestown  yard.  This  was  a  serious  interruption 
to  his  projected  plan  of  study,  so  he  ventured  to  address 
a  respectful  remonstrance  to  the  department,  reminding 
it  of  the  leave  of  absence  so  lately  granted,  and  the  pur 
pose  for  which  it  had  been  asked,  and  requesting  a  revo 
cation  of  the  unwelcome  order.  Again  the  department 
favored  his  application,  and  leave  unlimited  was  renewed. 
On  October  28th  Davis  received  notice  to  attend  the 
examination  to  be  held  at  the  New  York  station  for 


52  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

candidates  of  the  date  of  1823,  so  he  went  at  once 
to  New  York  and  took  up  his  residence  in  Brooklyn 
among  his  classmates,  who  were  beginning  to  assemble 
in  numbers,  and  for  the  convenience  of  the  navy  yard, 
at  which  place  the  meetings  of  ihe  board  were  to  be 
held.  No  record  of  this  examination,  or  of  its  form 
exists.  The  whole  examination  was  a  most  lengthy 
process,  as  it  involved  the  whole  number  of  the  date,  or 
as  many  of  them  as  chose  to  compete  for  permanent 
standing  in  the  service ;  and,  although  the  examination 
of  a  single  candidate  may  have  occupied  only  a  few 
days,  the  board,  composed  of  three  post-captains,  was 
in  session  throughout  the  winter.  The  whole  time  was 
probably  divided  into  periods,  and  the  whole  class  may 
have  been  examined  in  one  branch  before  the  next  was 
taken  up.  Davis  was  not  discharged  from  attendance 
before  the  board  until  the  end  of  February,  1829,  and, 
as  he  had  notified  the  department  that  he  should  con 
tinue  his  residence  in  Brooklyn  until  the  decision  of 
the  board  in  his  case  was  made  public,  he  did  not 
return  to  ^Boston  until  the  middle  of  April. 

The  date  of  1823  had  entered  eighty-nine  strong. 
Of  this  number,  only  thirty-nine  passed  the  examina 
tion.  They  first  appear  arranged  in  order  of  rank  as 
passed  midshipmen  in  the  Register  for  1831,  and  Davis's 
name  stands  number  six  on  the  list.  Of  the  five  who 
passed  above  him,  only  one,  Henry  K.  Hoff,  reached 
flag  rank,  and  'was  still  in  the  service  at  the  close 
of  the  civil  war ;  nor  -does  the  list  of  those  below  him 
show  the  names  of  many  who  reached  high  rank  or 
distinction  in  the  service. 


CHAPTER  IV 

SAILING-MASTER    AND    LIEUTENANT  —  THE    ONTARIO  —  THE 
VINCENNES  AND  VERMONT  —  THE  INDEPENDENCE 

WHILE  waiting  in  New  York  for  the  result  of  his 
examination,  Davis  applied  to  the  department  for  the 
appointment  of  acting  sailing-master  to  the  Concord, 
sloop,  and,  not  receiving  an  immediate  reply,  he  re 
newed  his  application  after  his  return  to  Boston  in 
May.  The  Concord  was  a  new  sloop  of  22  guns, 
built  in  1828,  and  fitting  at  Portsmouth ;  but  she  did 
not  finally  get  to  sea  until  early  in  the  year  1831,  and 
Davis  could  not  afford  to  wait  so  long,  as  service  as 
a  passed  midshipman  was  important  if  an  appointment 
as  sailing-master  could  be  had.  The  examination  gave 
him  the  right  to  a  lieutenant's  commission  so  soon  as  a 
vacancy  for  him  should  occur,  and  to  pass  the  inter 
vening  time  as  sailing-master  of  a  ship  was  of  the 
greatest  professional  advantage.  He  was,  therefore, 
gratified  to  receive,  early  in  June,  his  orders  to  join 
the  Ontario,  fitting  at  New  York  for  the  Mediterra 
nean  station,  as  acting  sailing-master. 

The  Ontario  was  a  fine  vessel  of  22  guns,  and  the 
cruise  which  followed  has  been  a  famous  one,  not  so 
much  for  any  achievement  or  particularly  important 
service  as  because  the  ship  was  a  crack  ship,  and  the 


54  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

officers  a  particularly  capable  set  o£  men,  several  of 
whom  made  their  mark  in  the  service.  The  station, 
too,  was  a  favorite  one,  and  the  best  possible  school  for 
a  young  officer;  and  the  squadron  was  commanded, 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  cruise  of  the  Ontario, 
by  Commodore  James  Biddle,  an  officer  whose  profes 
sional  standing  was  very  high,  and  who  impressed 
his  character  on  the  squadron  under  his  command. 
Du  Pont  was  a  lieutenant  on  board  the  Ontario,  and 
Dahlgren  was  a  midshipman.  The  latter  preserved  a 
journal  kept  during  a  part  of  the  cruise,  from  which 
his  biographer  has  quoted  at  length.  Later  in  the 
cruise,  and  after  Davis  had  received  his  commission 
and  had  become  one  of  the  regular  lieutenants  of 
the  ship,  he  was  succeeded  as  sailing-master  by  his 
friend,  Charles  McBlair,  who  had  come  out  in  the 
John  Adams.  Although  there  were  many  changes 
among  the  officers  during  the  three  years  which  the 
ship  remained  on  the  station,  Davis  and  Du  Pont  re 
mained  in  her  and  came  home  in  her.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  an  intimacy  which  never  flagged,  and 
which  lasted  through  life.  Another  of  the  lieutenants 
was  George  N.  Hollins,  who  stood  at  the  very  head  of 
the  profession  in  those  days  as  an  officer  and  seaman. 
By  vacancy  he  became  first  lieutenant  during  the  cruise, 
and  came  home  in  the  ship  in  that  capacity.  Hollins 
went  South  and  entered  the  Confederate  service,  and 
commanded  on  the  Mississippi  in  1862,  when  Davis 
met  and  defeated  the  Confederate  fleet  at  Fort  Pillow 
and  destroyed  it  at  Memphis. 

The  Ontario  sailed  from  New  York  in  August,  1829, 


THE  ONTARIO  55 

carrying  out  as  passengers  the  newly  appointed  consul 
to  Algiers  with  his  family.  Eighteen  days  out  of  port, 
one  of  those  accidents  occurred  which  are  sufficient  in 
themselves  to  account  for  many  instances  of  losses  at 
sea,  in  which  vessels  which  sail  in  perfect  trim  are  never 
heard  of  again.  Such  was  a  fate  which  the  Ontario 
only  escaped  by  a  very  narrow  margin.  The  ship  had 
encountered  strong  gales  and  very  unsettled  weather, 
the  wind  hauling  from  southwest  to  northwest ;  and 
while  lying  to  under  maintopsail  close  reefed  and 
storm-staysails,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Sep 
tember  9th,  she  was  struck  down  by  a  tremendous 
squall  that  laid  the  ship  on  her  beam-ends.  In  an  in 
stant,  and  notwithstanding  that  the  ship  was  battened 
down,  the  lower  deck  was  flooded ;  men  tumbled  out  of 
their  hammocks  against  the  beams,  and,  forcing  up  the 
gratings,  the  stream  of  people  from  below  contended  in 
the  hatchways  with  the  stream  of  water  from  above. 
Davis  always  said  that  Hollins,  who  was  lieutenant  of 
the  watch,  saved  the  ship.  With  instant  presence  of 
mind,  he  cut  the  maintopsail  sheets  himself,  and,  head 
ing  a  small  party,  worked  his  way  forward  and  boarded 
the  fore  tack.  With  the  helm  hard  up,  the  ship  payed 
off  slowly  and  righted,  deep  with  the  weight  of  water 
she  had  taken  on  board.  The  berth  deck  was  scuttled 
and  the  pumps  rigged,  and  Hollins,  taking  his  station 
at  the  taffrail,  conned  the  ship,  scudding  under  head- 
sail  alone  before  the  tremendous  seas.  This  gale  was 
notable  as  that  in  which  the  sloop  of  war  Hornet  was 
probably  lost.  She  had  sailed  from  the  West  India 
station  about  the  same  time  that  the  Ontario  had  left 


56  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

New  York,  and  was  never  heard  of  again.  She  must 
have  been  some  hundreds  of  miles  to  the  southward  and 
westward  of  the  Ontario's  position  during  the  gale,  and 
the  officers  of  the  latter  always  believed  that  she  was 
struck  down  and  perished  in  an  accident  like  that  in 
which  the  Ontario  was  so  nearly  lost. 

The  ship  anchored  at  Gibraltar  on  September  19th, 
and  during  the  three  years  she  remained  on  the  station 
she  was  employed  on  the  ordinary  cruising  incident  to 
the  service,  and  the  winters  were  passed  at  Port  Mahon. 
Almost  the  first  duty  required  of  the  Ontario  was  a 
visit  to  Algiers,  then  still  an  independent  power,  where 
the  consul  was  landed.  In  a  second  visit  to  the  same 
port,  the  Ontario  carried  the  last  payment  of  tribute  to 
the  Barbary  powers,  for  while  she  was  still  at  the  port 
the  French  squadron,  which  was  to  reduce  Algiers, 
appeared  in  the  offing.  In  November,  1830,  Davis 
took  a  watch  and  division  as  one  of  the  regular  lieuten 
ants  of  the  ship,  although  he  still  continued  to  perform 
the  duties  of  sailing-master  until  he  was  relieved  by  his 
friend  McBlair  in  June,  1831,  and  at  the  same  time 
Captain  T.  H.  Stevens,  who  had  brought  the  ship  out, 
was  relieved  by  Captain  W.  L.  Gordon. 

While  the  Ontario  was  lying  at  Smyrna  she  was 
visited  one  day  by  an  Austrian  admiral,  who  was  hon 
ored  with  the  usual  salute  on  leaving  the  ship.  Unfor 
tunately,  one  of  the  Ontario's  guns  happened  by  an 
oversight  to  have  been  left  shotted,1  and  the  shot 

1  A  ship  of  war  always  loaded  her  battery  immediately  after  leaving 
port,  and  generally,  in  time  of  peace,  drew  the  shot  from  her  guns  on 
entering  a  friendly  port. 


THE  ONTARIO  57 

passed  through  the  main  boom  of  a  Dutch  brig  of 
war,  cut  away  the  main  lift  and  brace  of  a  French  brig 
of  war,  and  lodged  in  the  hold  of  an  Austrian  merchant 
ship.  It  is  related  that  one  of  the  crew  of  the  Dutch 
brig  was  killed  by  splinters  from  the  boom.  There 
was  very  great  mortification  on  board  the  Ontario  at 
the  result  of  the  accident,  and  apologies  were  tendered 
by  the  captain  in  person,  which  were  graciously  received 
by  the  Dutch  captain  with  the  assurance  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  very  little  consequence  as  there  were  plenty 
more  Dutchmen  in  Holland.  Tradition  survived  for 
many  years  after  Port  Mahon  had  been  abandoned  as 
the  headquarters  of  our  station  in  the  Mediterranean, 
of  the  glories  of  that  port  as  naval  winter  quarters, 
when  the  fleets  of  several  nations  were  assembled  in  the 
harbor  and  the  officers  met  in  social  pleasures  on  shore. 
Dahlgren  left  in  his  journal  a  vivid  picture  of  the  scene. 
But  it  was  not  in  amusement  alone  that  Davis  filled  the 
leisure  of  the  three  years  of  this  cruise,  although  it  was 
an  exceedingly  interesting  one  to  him  on  account  of  the 
nature  of  the  service  and  the  historical  interest  attach 
ing  to  every  mile  of  the  Mediterranean  and  every  port 
visited.  During  this  cruise  he  became  proficient  in 
navigation  and  the  duties  of  his  profession.  He  entered 
on  a  systematic  course  of  reading,  and  he  also  studied 
the  languages ;  and  he  retained  through  life  a  thorough 
proficiency  in  French  and  Spanish,  and  a  good  smatter 
ing  of  Italian,  which  he  gained  on  this  cruise.  Commo 
dore  Biddle  established,  perhaps  for  the  first  time  in 
our  service,  the  practice  of  demanding  from  captains  a 
report  on  the  qualifications  of  officers.  Captain  Gor- 


68  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

don  in  his  report  on  the  officers  of  the  Ontario 
says  : l  "  Lieutenant  C.  H.  Davis  is  intelligent  in  his 
profession,  energetic  in  his  character,  and  devoted  to 
the  improvement  of  his  mind.  His  country  may  an 
ticipate  much  from  him."  This  is  probably  a  fair 
summary  of  his  character  as  a  very  young  man. 

From  many  causes,  therefore,  this  cruise  left  a  last 
ing  impression  on  Davis's  mind  and  a  deep  trace  on  his 
character,  and  he  was  always  fond  of  reverting  to  it  in 
after  life.  More  than  thirty  years  after  this  cruise  was 
over,  and  when  the  civil  war  had  brought  to  the  navy 
its  bitterness  in  the  severance  of  those  ties  of  affection 
and  fraternity  which  had  existed  for  so  long,  Davis 
wrote  to  Du  Pont :  "  I  have  lately  gone  back  in  my 
thoughts  to  our  early  association  which  began  in  1829, 
thirty-three  and  a  half  years  ago,  —  the  time  allotted  to 
a  generation  of  men.  Our  friend  Shakespeare  says  in 
one  of  his  historical  plays,  '  What  youth  is  there  who, 
if  he  could  foresee  the  future  events  of  his  life,  would 
not  rather  lie  down  and  die  than  run  the  race  that  is 
set  before  him  ? '  The  same  wise  Providence  that  keeps 
the  lower  animal  ignorant  of  his  fate,  so  that  '  he  licks 
the  hand  that 's  raised  to  shed  his  blood/  conceals  from 
us  also,  its  reasoning  agents,  the  purposes  of  its  wis 
dom.  If  during  one  of  those  merry  feasts  for  which 
the  hospitality  of  the  Ontario  was  famous,  while  seated 
at  the  table  with  our  guests  from  the  Constellation,  the 

1  By  a  curious  coincidence,  while  the  author  was  on  duty  in  the  Navy 
Department,  this  letter  was  picked  up  by  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  same 
office,  among  a  lot  of  old  papers  which  had  been  sent  to  the  furnace-room 
to  be  burned. 


THE   ONTARIO  69 

veil  of  the  future  could  have  been  pushed  aside  for  a 
moment,  the  effect  would  have  been  like  that  produced 
on  the  revelers  who,  after  draining  the  cup,  discovered 
that  the  wine  had  been  poisoned."  These  are  bitter 
words,  but  written  in  bitter  times. 

The  Ontario  returned  to  the  United  States,  and  was 
paid  off  at  Norfolk  in  May,  1832,  and  the  officers  were 
granted  leave  of  absence.  Davis  returned  to  Boston 
and  passed  a  year  of  uninterrupted  leisure  until,  in 
April,  1833,  he  was  placed  on  duty  on  board  the  re 
ceiving  ship  at  the  Boston  navy  yard.  Receiving-ship 
duty  is  always  irksome  and  disagreeable.  It  brings 
the  confinement  of  life  on  board  ship  without  the 
excitement  and  interest  of  service  at  sea,  and  without 
the  incentives  to  diligence  and  zeal  to  be  found  in 
a  regularly  commissioned  ship.  It  is  unimproving 
duty  professionally,  and  in  this  instance  it  was  en 
tirely  unsuited  to  Davis's  tastes  and  bent  of  mind.  He 
had  already  begun  to  turn  his  thoughts  toward  scien 
tific  occupation,  and  the  goal  at  this  time  was  the  newly 
organized  coast  survey.  He  therefore  applied  for  duty 
on  the  survey,  and,  as  his  letter  shows  how  small  were 
the  beginnings  of  that  great  establishment,  it  is  given 
entire :  — 

U.  S.  RECEIVING  SHIP  COLUMBUS, 

May  23,  1833. 

SIR,  —  I  have  the  honor  respectfully  to  request  orders  for 
the  coast  surveying  service,  which  is  to  be  conducted  under 
the  superintendency  of  Mr.  Hassler.  I  beg  to  solicit  from 
the  department  a  favorable  consideration  of  this  request,  and 
to  be  remembered  as  an  applicant  for  this  service,  provided 


60  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  department  do  not  think  proper  to  indulge  me  with  im 
mediate  orders. 

Very  respectfully, 

LIEUT.  C.  H.  DAVIS. 

Honble  LEVI  WOODBURY,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

This  letter  is  indorsed,  "  How  many  officers  needed  ?  " 
"  All  that  have  been  asked  for  by  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  have  been  ordered,  viz.,  Lieut.  Bell  and  Midship 
man  Henderson." 

Davis  made  another  application  for  the  same  duty  in 
June,  which  was  indorsed,  "  Name  entered  as  an  appli 
cant.  But  no  officer  of  his  grade  needed  in  the  survey 
at  present." 

Captain  Alexander  Wadsworth,  who  had  commanded 
the  Constellation  in  the  Mediterranean  during  Davis's 
service  in  the  Ontario,  and  who  had  also  served  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Percival  court  of  inquiry,  was  one  of  Davis's 
earliest  friends  in  the  service,  and  was  also  a  friend  of 
his  father.  This  officer  was  appointed  during  the  sum 
mer  of  1833  to  command  the  squadron  in  the  Pacific, 
and  his  flagship,  the  Vincennes,  was  fitting  for  sea  at 
the  Norfolk  yard.  Having  failed  in  his  effort  for  duty 
on  the  coast  survey,  Davis  now  applied  for  the  Vin- 
cennes.  The  complement  of  officers  was  already  filled, 
but  by  persistent  effort,  and  the  interest  and  assistance 
of  Commodore  Wadsworth,  he  succeeded,  and  was  ap 
pointed  as  a  supernumerary  lieutenant  to  the  ship  and 
flag  lieutenant  to  the  commodore.  He  joined  her  at 
Norfolk  in  October,  and,  a  vacancy  occurring,  he  be 
came  one  of  the  regular  watch  officers.  The  Vincennes 
sailed  early  in  November,  and  reached  Eio  de  Janeiro 


THE  VINCEJSTNES  61 

on  January  4,  1834,  where  she  remained  only  a  few 
days.  She  had  a  long  and  hard  passage  round  Cape 
Horn,  encountering  much  ice,  and  reached  Valparaiso 
early  in  March.  At  Callao  the  Vincennes  fell  in  with 
the  Dolphin,  which  was  officered  and  manned  by  a 
detail  from  the  flagship.  This  must  have  served  to 
recall  very  vividly  to  Davis  the  events  of  his  first 
cruise. 

It  would  be  uninteresting  to  dwell  at  length  on 
the  events  of  this  short  cruise.  To  recall  them  would 
only  be  to  rehearse  an  insignificant  chapter  of  the  inter 
minable  civil  turbulences  and  revolutionary  disputes 
which  form  the  whole  early  history  of  the  South  Amer 
ican  republics,  and  which  lose  the  importance  which 
might  attach  to  any  one  of  them  singly  by  the  fre 
quency  of  their  recurrence.  It  would  be  next  to  im 
possible  to  write  the  history  of  these  revolutions,  and  it 
would  also  be  a  futile  task,  for  nobody  would  care  to 
read  it.  Political  agitation,  based  on  personal  ambition 
and  a  total  disregard  of  the  principles  of  civil  liberty  as 
understood  in  this  country,  forms  the  whole  groundwork 
of  their  institutions.  By  the  constitution  of  several  of 
these  states,  the  inherent  right  to  revolt  is  guaranteed, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is 
established  by  the  state  and  religious  liberty  denied. 
Such  a  condition  is  not  calculated  to  insure  peace  or 
political  stability.  One  ambitious  demagogue  succeeds 
another  in  the  supreme  control  of  the  government,  the 
duration  of  each  reign  depending  on  the  personal  ability 
and  activity  of  the  incumbent,  whose  career  is  fre 
quently  terminated  by  assassination.  Such,  for  the 


62  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

first  half  century  at  least  of  their  independent  exist 
ence,  was  the  common  history  of  the  South  American 
republics.  For  the  purposes  of  this  memoir,  it  is  quite 
sufficient  to  say  that  the  Vincennes  passed  a  great  deal 
of  time  in  the  Guayaquil  River  guarding  American  in 
terests  in  the  civil  disturbances  agitating  the  state  of 
Ecuador ;  for  coeval  with  the  development  of  this 
political  condition  came  the  wide  extension  of  American 
commerce,  and  United  States  vessels  of  war  in  South 
American  waters  were  fully  occupied  in  guarding  the 
complex  interests  of  our  citizens  abroad.  In  September 
the  Vincennes  was  again  at  Callao,  and  the  American 
consul  at  Lima  applied  to  the  commodore  for  an  officer 
to  take  charge  of  the  bark  Vermont,  which  had  lost 
her  captain  by  the  misconduct  or  mutiny  of  a  part  of 
the  crew.  At  his  own  solicitation,  Commodore  Wads- 
worth  gave  Davis  permission  to  take  charge  of  this 
ship  and  return  with  her  to  the  United  States,  directing 
him  to  report  by  letter  to  the  Navy  Department  on  his 
arrival  home.  With  three  midshipmen  from  the  Vin 
cennes  as  watch  officers,1  Davis  took  command  of  the 
Vermont,  sailed  from  Callao  on  September  14th,  and 
for  the  fourth  time  made  the  passage  round  Cape  Horn, 
reaching  New  York  in  February,  1835,  where  he  re 
ported  his  arrival  by  letter  to  the  Navy  Department, 
and,  being  granted  leave  of  absence,  went  immediately 
home. 

Davis's  father,  the  solicitor-general,  who  was  now  in 

1  Midshipmen  O.  H.  Perry,  J.  B.  Dale,  and  Stephen  Decatur,  good 
navy  names.  These  young  gentlemen  went  home  in  the  Vermont  for 
their  examination,  and  all  passed.  Perry  resigned  in  1849,  Dale  died  in 
1848,  and  Decatur  died  a  commodore  on  the  retired  list  in  1876. 


THE   VINCENNES  63 

old  age,  had  resigned  his  office  and  retired  from  active 
life,  and  had  settled  in  Cambridge  while  his  son  was 
in  the  Pacific  on  board  the  Vincennes.  As  he  had  no 
ties  of  his  own,  Cambridge,  therefore,  became  Davis's 
home,  and  continued  to  be  his  place  of  residence  until 
the  close  of  the  civil  war.  During  the  period  which 
followed  his  return  with  the  Vermont,  he  was  some 
times  on  leave  of  absence,  and  part  of  the  time  again 
on  duty  on  board  the  receiving  ship  at  the  Boston 
yard.  His  father  died  in  October,  1835,  but  his  sisters 
remained  in  Cambridge,  and  it  was  at  this  time  that 
the  close  intimacy  with  Professor  Benjamin  Peirce 
began.  They  were  later  allied  by  marriage,  but  at 
this  time  Peirce  had  just  begun  his  career  as  professor 
of  mathematics  at  Harvard,  and  he  and  his  wife  and 
sister-in-law  were  intimate  with  Davis' s  sisters.  In 
Peirce's  companionship,  and  under  his  guidance,  Davis 
took  up  the  serious  study  of  mathematics,  for  which 
he  had  a  natural  fondness,  and,  though  he  could  not 
follow  the  transcendent  flights  of  Peirce's  genius,  he 
acquired  a  working  familiarity  with  mathematical  tools, 
and  his  studies  at  this  time  stimulated  the  analytical 
bent  of  his  intellect,  and  determined,  to  a  great  degree, 
his  future  career,  in  which  he  did  some  good  mathe 
matical  work.  This  intercourse  with  Peirce,  and  with 
others  of  the  faculty  in  Cambridge,  and  his  mathemati 
cal  studies,  tended  to  confirm  the  inclination  toward 
scientific  pursuits  which  had  been  manifested  in  1833 
in  his  application  for  duty  on  the  coast  survey ;  and, 
although  it  was  several  years  still  before  he  actually 
began  his  career  in  almost  the  only  field  of  research 


64  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

then  open  to  the  navy,  his  studies  date  from  this 
period.  So,  too,  from  this  time  the  intimacy  with  Ben 
jamin  Peirce,  which  lasted  through  life,  took  the  place 
of  brotherly  affection,  which  he  had  not  known1  since 
boyhood. 

In  the  autumn  of  1836  Davis  was  ordered  to  report 
to  Commodore  John  B.  Nicolson  for  duty  in  connection 
with  the  recruiting  service  in  Boston,  and  by  the  latter 
directed  to  open  a  rendezvous  for  the  enlistment  of 
seamen  for  the  Brazil  station ;  and  in  January,  1837, 
he  was  assigned  to  the  razee  Independence,  Commodore 
Nicolson's  flagship.  He  kept  a  journal  of  this  cruise, 
which,  like  that  of  the  Ontario,  was  an  interesting  one 
on  account  of  the  ground  covered,  as  well  as  from 
the  character  of  the  ship  and  her  officers  The  Inde 
pendence  was  the  largest  frigate  in  the  world  at  that 
time.  The  flatulent  dullness  of  newspaper  writers  has 
so  hackneyed  that  phrase  in  descriptions  of  the  several 
ships  of  the  new  navy,  one  after  another,  that  it  is 
stupid  to  employ  it ;  only,  in  the  case  of  the  Independ 
ence,  it  happens  to  be  literally  true.  She  had  been 
built  for  a  seventy-four,  and  razeed  one  deck,  and  in 
no  navy  of  the  world  was  there  a  frigate  of  such  pro 
portions.  To  display  this  magnificent  ship  in  the  north 
ern  ports  of  Europe,  which  American  men-of-war  seldom 
visited,  was  one  of  the  objects  of  the  cruise.  She  carried 
out  the  United  States  minister  to  Russia,  Mr.  Dallas, 
with  his  family,  and  visited  first  the  English  ports  of  Ryde 
and  Southampton,  where  her  appearance  excited  universal 

1  But  one  of  Davis's  brothers  lived  to  grow  up.    Frederick  Hersey 
Davis,  his  senior  by  twenty  years,  died  in  Louisiana  in  1840. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  65 

interest.  She  sailed  from  Boston  in  May,  under  the 
command  of  Commodore  Nicolson,  with  Alexander 
Slidell  —  who  afterwards  changed  his  name  to  Mac 
kenzie  —  as  first  lieutenant.  He  was  the  brother  of 
the  Slidell  who  was  captured  in  the  Trent  with  Mason, 
and  was  a  man  of  some  literary  attainment.  Several 
years  later  he  acquired  notoriety  by  his  action,  while  in 
command  of  the  brig  Somers,  in  hanging  at  the  yard- 
arm  a  midshipman  and  two  seamen  who  were  sus 
pected  of  mutinous  conspiracy.  Although  acquitted 
by  a  court  martial,  the  stigma  of  this  act  never  left 
him,  and  he  was  never  employed  again.  Of  the  other 
lieutenants,  —  Hoff,  Davis,  Lardner,  Poor,  and  Strong, 
—  all  lived  to  attain  the  highest  rank  in  the  navy. 
The  purser  of  the  ship  was  Thomas  Breese,  who  enjoyed 
a  wider  popularity,  and  was  perhaps  more  universally 
beloved,  than  any  man  in  the  service.  The  ship  was  a 
very  happy  and  harmonious  one.  On  the  passage  out, 
the  presence  of  the  ladies  of  Mr.  Dallas' s  family  lent 
an  agreeable  novelty  to  the  ordinary  dullness  of  rou 
tine  on  board  a  man-of-war. 

Davis's  journal  is  full  of  enthusiastic  descriptions  of 
travel  in  England,  and  the  wonders  of  London,  which 
he  visited  while  the  ship  was  at  Southampton,  travel 
ing  in  what  were  almost  the  last  days  of  that  famous 
mode  of  conveyance,  the  English  post  chaise.  While 
he  was  in  London  the  king  (William  IV.)  died,  and  he 
witnessed  the  ceremony  of  proclaiming  the  young  queen 
at  Saint  James's  and  in  the  city.  He  took  special 
delight  in  the  opera,  and,  as  he  had  a  fine  and  dis 
criminating  taste  in  music,  his  criticisms  are  extremely 


66  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

interesting  and  very  graphic.  The  Italian  opera  reached 
the  very  summit  of  its  existence  at  this  time  in  Lon 
don,  and  Davis  is  not  the  only  critic  who  has  grown 
enthusiastic  in  describing  the  opera  in  1837.  It  is 
noticeable  that  the  death  of  the  king  closed  the  thea 
tres  and  places  of  amusement  for  only  two  or  three 
nights,  so  that  Davis  had  plenty  of  opportunity  for 
this  diversion.  The  greatest  stars  of  the  Italian  lyric 
world  were  congregated  in  London,  —  Pasta  (somewhat 
past  her  prime),  Grisi,  Lablache,  Kubini,  Tamburini, 
and  the  famous  dancer,  Taglioni. 

After  leaving  England  the  ship  went  to  Cronstadt. 
To  quote  from  the  journal :  — 

We  were  obliged  to  stop  twenty-four  hours  at  Copenhagen 
for  a  wind.  Taking  in  two  new  pilots,  one  for  the  Grounds 
and  another  for  the  Baltic,  we  left  there  on  the  23d  (July). 
Going  over  the  Grounds  there  was  only  24  feet  of  water  in  a 
place  of  some  extent.  The  ship,  trimmed  to  an  even  keel, 
drew  22  feet  4  inches,  so  that  we  had  but  little  to  spare. 
The  air  was  perfectly  calm  and  the  sea  as  smooth  as  glass ; 
notwithstanding,  she  touched,  by  the  awkwardness  of  the 
pilot,  and  the  difficulty  of  steering  with  a  steamboat  very 
improperly  ahead  instead  of  alongside.  .  .  .  The  shock  was 
a  slight  one  and  hardly  impeded  the  ship's  way.  When  the 
shoal  water  was  passed,  the  steamboat  left  us  and  we  made 
sail.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland  we  encountered 
a  Russian  fleet  of  nine  sail  of  the  line  upon  their  regular 
summer  tour  of  exercise.  .  .  .  On  Sunday  the  29th,  at  3 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  ship  anchored  at  Cronstadt. 

At  daylight  our  arrival  was  telegraphed  to  St.  Petersburg, 
and  at  nine  o'clock  we  were  surprised  by  the  intelligence  that 
the  Emperor  intended  to  visit  the  ship  in  the  course  of  the 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  67 

morning.  Owing  to  the  fatigues  of  the  previous  night,  and 
the  state  of  some  parts  of  the  rigging  that  required  immediate 
refitting,  the  people  had  not  been  called  up  at  the  usual  early 
hour  to  clean  the  decks.  They  were  not  only  not  washed,  but 
tar  in  use  aloft  had  stained  them,  and  they  looked  altogether 
worse  than  they  had  done  at  any  time  since  fitting  out.  It 
could  not  certainly  have  been  anticipated  that  His  Imperial 
Majesty  the  Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias  would  resign  his 
state  and  come  on  board  a  strange  ship  of  war  in  the  charac 
ter  of  attendant  to  his  own  servants,  without  giving  notice 
and  allowing  time  for  preparation.  We  were  very  much 
mortified  at  the  condition  of  the  vessel.  We  had  hoped  to 
show  her  off  in  a  becoming  state  of  beauty  and  order.  As  it 
was,  we  had  only  to  make  such  hasty  provision  for  His 
Majesty's  reception  as  the  time  allowed.  At  about  ten  the 
Imperial  steamboat  emerged  from  the  crowded  neighborhood 
of  the  mole,  and  stood  toward  a  Danish  frigate  that  had 
arrived  on  the  same  morning.  No  standard  or  badge  indi 
cated  the  presence  of  the  Emperor.  From  the  Danish  frigate 
she  approached  us.  A  boat  crowded  with  uniforms  left  her. 
In  the  coxswain-box,  filling  the  place  and  doing  the  duty  of 
steersman,  stood  a  noble  figure  in  plain  citizen's  frock  and 
white  cap,  who  was  designated  by  the  American  consul  on 
board  as  the  Emperor  Nicholas.  When  the  boat  came  along 
side  the  suite  passed  over  the  gangway  first  and  received  the 
appropriate  honors.  His  Majesty  followed  the  very  last,  and 
turning  directly  forward,  with  a  careless  salute  to  the  quarter 
deck,  he  was  lost  in  the  intricacies  of  the  ship.  No  one 
attended  him.  He  looked  at  the  forecastle  and  put  some 
questions  to  the  boatswain.  I  saw  him  next  on  the  main- 
deck  ;  he  had  chosen  the  side  not  usually  shown  to  visitors, 
and  was  prying  into  whatever  attracted  him  with  searching 
curiosity.  He  made  the  same  solitary,  scrutinizing  tour  of 
the  berth  and  orlop  decks,  including  the  officers'  apartments. 
In  the  ward-room  he  spoke  to  the  steward,  and  noticed  Mrs. 


68  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Dallas's  very  beautiful  baby  with  affectionate  kindness.  His 
intimate  acquaintance  with  ships  of  war  enabled  him  to  pass 
through  every  part  of  the  vessel  with  the  same  facility  as  an 
officer.  Finally  he  appeared  upon  the  poop-deck,  leaning 
against  the  trysail  mast  in  an  attitude  evidently  studied  to 
display  his  manly  and  symmetrical  person.  Here  he  re 
mained  during  an  examination  of  the  percussion  locks,  and 
when  it  was  over  he  went  up  to  Count  Nesselrode,  raised  his 
hand  to  his  cap  in  the  manner  of  an  inferior  officer  reporting 
to  a  superior,  and  sprang  hastily  over  the  side.  The  suite 
followed.  It  consisted  of  Count  Nesselrode  and  other  civil 
officers  of  the  government,  and  several  of  the  most  distin 
guished  admirals.  The  incognito  which  the  Emperor  had 
chosen  he  was  carefully  permitted  to  retain.  Excepting  the 

"  Extraordinary  gaze 
Such  as  is  bent  on  sunlike  majesty 
When  it  shines  seldom  in  admiring  eyes," 

which  certainly  might  be  excused  to  the  wondering  simplicity 
of  republicans,  he  was  troubled  with  no  token  of  recognition, 
but  quietly  and  unobserved  suffered  to  pursue  his  own  way  as 
much  as  if  his  assumed  unimportance  had  been  real.  We 
were  afterwards  told  that,  when  he  discovered  that  he  had 
been  known,  he  fully  appreciated  this  delicacy.  The  officers 
of  the  Danish  frigate  were  not  aware  of  his  presence  until  we 
manned  yards  on  his  return  to  the  steamboat,  hoisted  the 
Russian  flag  at  the  main  masthead,  and  announced  it  in  a 
voice  of  thunder  to  the  harbor  by  a  salute  of  forty-one  guns 
from  our  main-deck  thirty-two  pounders.  The  Emperor 
hoisted  the  American  flag  at  the  mainmast  of  the  yacht,  and 
returned  the  salute  with  an  equal  number  of  guns,  and  then, 
throwing  off  all  further  disguise,  he  unfurled  the  Imperial 
standard.  The  Danish  frigate,  the  forts,  and  ten  or  fifteen 
Eussian  men-of-war,  scattered  in  the  spacious  roadstead  far 
and  near,  woke  the  echoes  of  the  distant  shores  with  mingling 
bursts  of  artillery. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  69 

It  was  the  custom  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  to  visit 
every  foreign  vessel  of  war  in  person,  to  learn  from 
each  such  improvements  in  naval  matters  as  might  be 
adopted  in  his  own  navy,  and  the  visit,  as  in  this  case, 
was  generally  made  incognito.  In  this  instance  it  was 
followed  by  an  invitation  to  the  officers,  in  the  Emper 
or's  name,  to  attend  the  private  opera  at  Peterhoff  on 
the  following  evening,  and  to  look  at  the  grounds. 
Davis,  with  others  of  the  officers,  accepted  this  invita 
tion.  The  performance  was  a  French  vaudeville,  and 
he  naively  remarks :  "  My  chief  amusement  was  to  gaze 
about  in  this  new  scene.  French  vaudevilles  I  had 
seen  before,  but  this  was  my  first  appearance,  and  I 
feared  it  would  be  my  last,  within  the  sacred  precincts 
of  an  imperial  court." 

During  the  stay  of  the  ship  at  Cronstadt  the  officers 
visited  St.  Petersburg,  but  there  was  nothing  of  special 
interest  connected  with  this  visit,  and  only  one  extract 
from  the  journal  is  worth  preserving :  — 

We  afterwards  drove  to  the  Admiralty,  the  headquarters 
of  the  navy.  It  is  a  low  building  of  immense  extent,  perhaps 
six  hundred  feet,  beautified  in  front  by  a  row  of  trees.  .  .  . 

A  long  hall  contains  a  large  store  of  nautical  and  mathe 
matical  instruments,  compasses,  sextants,  charts,  etc.,  etc. 
They  were  carefully  and  systematically  arranged,  and  indeed 
all  we  saw  at  the  Admiralty  confirmed  the  impression  that 
everything  relating  to  the  department,  both  here  and  at 
Cronstadt,  is  conducted  with  perfect  order  and  upon  a  fixed 
system.  .  .  .  The  plan,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  extends  itself 
throughout  the  active  service  of  the  navy,  and  embraces  the 
minutest  details,  so  that  the  daily  and  ordinary  duties  of  a 
man-of-war,  the  practice  (?)  of  evolutions  and  the  precise 


70  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

forms  of  discipline,  are  explicitly  laid  down.  This  particu 
larity  is  in  part  a  necessity,  arising  out  of  the  forced  and 
exotic  nature  of  the  navy.  Despotism  has  determined  to 
create  a  marine  without  the  usual  materials ;  therefore  it 
wisely  selects  the  most  approved  forms  of  practice  in  the  best 
countries,  and  lays  them  down  as  instructions  not  to  be  vio 
lated.  It  provides  a  perfect  uniformity,  but  represses  genius. 
It  is  making  bricks  without  straw,  but  making  them  in  the 
best  manner  possible.  This  extreme  minuteness  was  very 
much  admired  by  some  of  the  officers.  It  seems  to  me  to  be 
more  becoming  to  the  Russian  navy  than  to  our  own.  The 
former  has  no  commerce  as  a  school  for  seamen,  and  no 
naval  genius,  speaking  with  regard  to  the  nation.  It  must 
educate  everybody,  the  forecastleman  and  the  post-captain, 
and  even  go  so  far  as  to  originate,  if  this  were  possible,  the 
sentiments  and  predilections  that  belong  to  the  service.  The 
case  is  directly  the  reverse  with  us,  who  are  preeminently  a 
naval  people.  The  scheme  which  best  applies  to  us  is  that 
which,  being  thoroughly  comprehensive,  embraces  heads  and 
principles  chiefly,  and  leaves  the  active  details  to  be  filled  up 
by  the  governing  mind,  regulated  by  the  custom  which  must 
be  a  universally  required  law  of  a  practical  and  active  service 
like  our  own.  This  is  the  English  system ;  it  is  only  neces 
sary  to  refer  to  history  for  its  success.  It  would  be  some 
what  ridiculous  to  explain  to  an  American  commander  how 
to  sail  his  vessel,  how  to  tack  ship  and  reef  topsails,  etc. 
The  commissioners  for  the  revisal  of  the  naval  code  lately 
attempted  something  of  this  kind,  and  terminated  their  labors 
by  a  thorough  failure  and  disgrace.  In  another  respect  the 
Russian  navy  has  a  great  advantage  over  us,  in  being  con 
trolled  by  a  single  and  permanent  will.  With  us  the  Secre 
tary  is  constantly  changing,  and  with  him  the  orders  and 
plans  of  the  department.  An  indifference  and  want  of  zeal 
is  a  mournful  consequence  of  this  instability. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  71 

The  writer  did  not  survive  to  know  that  in  less  than 
sixty  years  the  position  would  be  reversed,  and  that 
his  very  language  might  be  to-day  the  criticism  of  a 
Russian  on  the  navy  of  the  United  States. 

The  Independence  left  Cronstadt  on  the  13th  of 
August,  and,  after  a  boisterous  and  protracted  passage 
of  fourteen  days,  anchored  at  Copenhagen.  Davis's 
journal  might  be  quoted  at  length  for  an  account  of 
this  very  interesting  visit  to  the  Danish  capital ;  but  as 
his  remarks  are  general  rather  than  personal,  they  might 
be  out  of  place  and  tedious  in  the  present  connection. 
The  ship  left  Copenhagen  on  September  6th,  and,  en 
countering  constant  and  heavy  head  winds,  anchored 
at  Spithead  on  the  20th.  From  here  she  sailed  on  the 
29th  for  the  coast  of  Brazil,  touching  at  Madeira  on 
the  passage  out.  In  leaving  Spithead,  the  Independ 
ence  had  a  trial  of  speed  with  H.  B.  M.  frigate  Pique, 
and,  much  to  the  mortification  of  the  officers,  was 
beaten ;  but  she  sailed  from  Madeira  in  company  with 
another  British  ship,  the  Wellesley,  seventy-four,  flag 
ship  of  the  East  India  squadron,  which  had  the  repu 
tation  of  being  a  good  sailer,  and  the  British  admiral, 
tempted  probably  by  the  success  of  the  Pique,  offered 
a  trial  of  speed.  She  was  easily  beaten  by  the  Inde 
pendence)  and  the  next  morning  could  be  discerned  far 
astern,  only  as  a  speck  on  the  horizon.  The  Pique 
was  a  new  ship,  built  after  the  design  of  a  talented 
constructor,  who  added  several  very  fast  vessels  to  the 
British  navy. 

For  the  rest  of  the  cruise  of  the  Independence  little 
need  be  said.  The  journal  ends  at  Madeira.  We 


72  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

catch  an  occasional  glimpse  of  the  ship  and  her  officers 
in  contemporary  letters.  One  officer/  a  midshipman  on 
board,  wrote  long  after :  "  When  we  arrived  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  Lieutenant  C.  H.  Davis,  a  fine  sailor,  and  the 
officer  whom  the  men  most  admired,  had  the  deck.  A 
moderate  land  breeze  was  blowing,  and  the  entrance 
was  narrow  and  dangerous,  but  the  commodore  deter 
mined  to  attempt  the  difficult  feat  of  beating  into  port. 
Davis  handled  the  ship  beautifully,  and  the  men  sprang 
with  alacrity  at  the  sound  of  his  voice.  It  was  well 
that  they  were  quick,  for  hardly  would  the  sails  be 
trimmed  on  one  tack  before  the  ordei,  ( Ready,  about ! ' 
would  be  given  for  the  other.  Shortly  after  getting 
through  the  narrow  part  of  the  entrance  the  sea  breeze 
made,  and,  squaring  our  yards,  we  stood  up  to  the  an 
chorage,  making  a  flying  moor.  This  was  indeed  skill 
ful  seamanship,  and  excited  the  admiration  of  all  the  for 
eign  sailors  in  port.  Rarely  had  a  vessel  so  large  as 
the  Independence  accomplished  this  evolution.  It  was 
a  lesson  to  the  midshipmen  that  they  never  forgot."2 

During  a  great  part  of  this  cruise  the  ship  remained 
in  the  River  Plate,  protecting  American  interests  in 
the  state  of  war  which  existed  between  the  Argentine 
Confederation  and  England,  France,  and  Brazil.  The 
famous  Rosas  was  dictator,  and  Buenos  Ayres  was 
closely  blockaded  by  a  French  fleet. 

1  The  late  Rear  Admiral  Thomas  H.  Stevens. 

2  This  evolution  was  executed  repeatedly  on  the  same  ground,  though 
with  a  smaller  ship,  by  the  sloop  of  war  Portsmouth,  Commander  A.  A. 
Semmes,  during  two  years  in  which  the  author  served  on  board  that 
vessel  on  the  Brazil  station.     The  Portsmouth  also  accomplished  the  some 
what  more  difficult  feat  of  beating  out  of  Rio  against  the  sea  breeze. 


THE  INDEPENDENCE  73 

The  ship  fell  in  with  the  Wilkes  Exploring  Expedi 
tion  here.  Davis  corresponded  regularly  with  Peirce 
during  this  cruise,  and  the  Independence  returned  to 
the  United  States  and  was  paid  off  in  April,  1840. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  COAST  SURVEY  AND  THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC 

THE  end  of  the  cruise  of  the  Independence  marks 
the  close  of  what  may  be  considered  as  Davis' s  early 
career  in  the  naval  service.  He  had  now  been  seven 
teen  years  in  the  navy  and  almost  constantly  at  sea, 
when,  by  the  operation  of  the  system  then  in  vogue,  he 
might  look  forward  to  a  long  period  of  inactivity.  The 
system,  or  want  of  system,  in  our  naval  organization, 
has  been  characterized  by  short  periods  of  great  ac 
celeration,  followed  by  long  periods  of  stagnation  in 
the  flow  of  promotion.  Davis  entered  the  service  just 
in  time  to  suffer  by  the  stagnation  following  the  rapid 
promotions  during  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain. 
Moreover,  employment  on  shore  for  naval  officers  was 
an  almost  unknown  thing ;  at  least,  there  was  no  regular 
shore  duty  for  officers  ;  neither  could  an  officer  claim, 
of  right,  employment  on  shore.  The  first  official  recog 
nition  of  shore  duty  as  a  legitimate  employment  was 
made  in  general  orders  in  1868,  assigning  a  fixed 
period  to  sea  service,  to  be  followed  by  a  similar  period 
of  shore  duty,  alternating  with  each  other  through  an 
officer's  whole  active  career,  and  marking  in  itself  the 
first  step  in  the  decadence  of  the  navy  which  followed 


THE  COAST  SURVEY  75 

the  civil  war.  In  1840  there  were  very  few  places  for 
naval  officers  on  shore,  and  those  who  had  them  were 
apt  to  hold  on  to  them,  as  the  principle  of  rotation  was 
not  recognized,  so  that  a  lieutenant,  of  eight  or  ten 
years'  standing,  at  the  end  of  a  cruise  found  himself  in 
a  position  to  do  pretty  much  whatever  he  pleased.  His 
place  on  board  ship  was  wanted  by  younger  men, 
and  promotion  was  still  a  long  way  ahead.  With 
perhaps  the  exception  of  a  cruise  as  first  lieutenant, 
the  professional  prospect  for  years  to  come  was  one 
of  forced  inactivity.  Under  such  circumstances,  many 
active  and  intelligent  officers  turned  their  attention 
to  the  coast  survey,  which  was  now  just  beginning  to 
advance  from  a  position  of  insignificance  to  one  of 
the  greatest  importance.  When  the  Independence  was 
paid  off,  Davis  returned  to  Cambridge  and  resumed 
his  mathematical  studies  with  Peirce,  and  took  his 
degree  at  Harvard.  He  served  for  a  short  time  at 
the  naval  rendezvous  in  Boston,  and  in  April,  1842, 
was  appointed  an  assistant  on  the  coast  survey,  and 
for  a  period  of  fifteen  years  he  had  very  little  con 
nection  with  the  active  duties  of  the  navy. 

The  United  States  Coast  Survey 1  was  first  established 
by  an  act  of  Congress  passed  in  1807.  At  that  time 
the  only  charts  of  our  own  coast  were  based  upon  for 
eign  surveys,  and  many  of  them  were  foreign  compila 
tions.  Upon  the  passage  of  the  act  above  referred  to, 

1  The  article  "  Coast  Survey,"  in  the  American  Cyclopcedia,  and  the 
reports  of  the  superintendent  are  the  authorities  for  this  brief  sketch  of 
the  survey. 


76  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  addressed  letters  to  sev 
eral  scientific  men,  calling  for  plans  as  to  the  best 
methods  of  executing  the  survey.  The  plan  proposed 
by  Mr.  Hassler  was  the  one  adopted.  Hassler  was  a 
native  of  Switzerland,  and  had  been  employed  in  the 
trigonometrical  survey  of  his  own  country.  The  fact 
that  the  plan  for  the  United  States  Coast  Survey  should 
have  originated  with  and  been  first  executed  by  a  for 
eigner  gives  a  striking  illustration  of  the  lack  of  scien 
tific  knowledge  in  this  country.  Hassler  was  sent  to 
Europe  in  1811  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  the  neces 
sary  instruments  and  standards  of  measure,  and,  owing 
to  the  war  with  England,  he  was  detained  abroad,  and 
did  not  get  home  until  1815.  In  1817  he  was  for 
mally  appointed  superintendent  of  the  survey,  and  the 
labors  in  the  field  commenced  by  the  measurement  of 
a  base  line  on  the  Hudson  in  the  same  year.  Before 
he  could  publish  the  results  of  his  first  season's  work, 
however,  the  survey  was  effectually  discontinued  by  an 
act  of  Congress  repealing  that  part  of  the  law  which 
authorized  the  employment  of  astronomers,  and  persons 
other  than  officers  in  the  army  and  navy,  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  work.  From  this  time,  for  seventeen 
years,  the  survey  languished,  being  carried  on  only 
spasmodically  and  without  a  definite,  comprehensive 
plan,  by  officers  of  both  services  acting  under  their  own 
departments  and  independently  of  each  other.  In  1828 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  again  called  the  attention  of 
Congress  to  the  paramount  necessity  of  a  comprehen 
sive  survey  of  the  coast  in  accordance  with  the  plan  of 
1807.  The  increasing  commerce  of  our  ports  made 


THE  COAST  SURVEY  77 

this  a  vital  and  pressing  necessity.  Independent  sur 
veys  made  by  naval  officers  had  been  carried  on  without 
definite  plan,  and  with  insufficient  means  both  of  time 
and  money,  and  had  resulted  only  in  confusion.  The 
results  of  these  surveys  were  characterized  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy  himself  as  "  unsafe,  and,  in  many 
instances,  useless  and  pernicious."  In  reply  to  the 
question  "  whether,  in  the  opinion  of  the  department, 
such  survey  ought  to  be  made,"  the  Secretary  replied : 
"  Upon  this  point  no  doubt  is  entertained.  It  is  called 
for  by  regard  to  our  commercial  and  naval  interests, 
and  to  our  means  of  national  defense."  In  1832  the 
law  of  1807  was  revived,  the  employment  of  "  astro 
nomers  and  other  persons  "  was  again  authorized,  and 
Hassler  once  more  submitted  the  same  plan  which  had 
been  adopted  in  1816.  In  August  of  that  year  he  was 
again  appointed  to  the  head  of  the  survey,  and  this 
date  marks  the  real  beginning  of  the  institution  as  it 
now  exists.  Hassler  died  in  1843.  Some  mistrust 
appears  to  have  attached  to  his  earlier  work,  for  in  the 
first  years  of  the  survey  much  time  was  lost  in  pro 
tracted  congressional  investigations,  and  in  such  methods 
of  supervision  and  inspection  as  Hassler  resented  as 
insulting  to  himself.  He  had  given  the  whole  prime 
of  his  life  to  a  patient  effort  to  establish  and  sustain 
the  survey,  and  the  methods  of  primary  and  secondary 
triangulation  proposed  in  his  original  plan  are  substan 
tially  the  same  as  those  employed  at  the  present  day. 
Hassler  was  succeeded  by  Professor  A.  D.  Bache,  who 
remained  at  the  head  of  the  survey  for  twenty-three 
years,  and  brought  to  the  work  great  scientific  expe- 


78  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

rience  and  ability.  Under  Bache  the  scope  of  the 
survey  was  extended  to  nearly  its  present  proportions, 
for  he  recognized  the  far-reaching  requirements  of  the 
plan,  and  systemized  the  work  to  embrace  the  whole 
range  of  related  practical  sciences.  Astronomy,  geod 
esy,  mathematics,  geology,  natural  history,  and  the 
physical  sciences  of  electricity  and  photography,  as  well 
as  the  mechanical  arts  necessary  in  supplying  instru 
ments,  —  all  these  are  related  either  directly  or  indirectly 
to  the  practical  work  of  the  survey,  and  go  hand  in 
hand  with  topography,  hydrography,  drawing,  engrav 
ing,  and  printing,  in  the  formation  of  charts  for  the 
use  of  navigators,  and  in  the  compilation  of  sailing 
directions.  Professor  Bache  was  succeeded  in  1867 
by  Professor  Benjamin  Peirce,  who  further  extended 
the  survey  to  include  the  triangulation  of  the  continent, 
so  that  the  institution  became  the  Coast  and  Geodetic 
Survey  of  the  United  States. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  active  life  of  the  coast  sur 
vey  in  1832,  science  in  America  may  be  said  to  have 
been  almost  non-existent.  That  it  should  have  been 
necessary  to  go  abroad  to  find  a  superintendent  for  the 
work  is  a  sufficient  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this  asser 
tion.  American  science  was  unknown  abroad.  The 
lives  of  the  pioneers  of  scientific  work  in  this  country 
show  early  struggles  against  public  indifference  and 
obstacles  which  were  almost  insurmountable.  The 
coast  survey  was  the  first  of  the  great  scientific  de 
partments  of  the  government,  and,  with  the  Smith 
sonian  Institution,  it  did  more  to  foster  the  growth  of 
knowledge  and  stimulate  research  than  any  other  gov- 


THE  COAST  SURVEY  79 

eminent  establishment  has  ever  done  before  or  since. 
The  workers  in  the  field  of  science  were  a  mere  handful. 
Under  the  fostering  care  of  the  scientific  establishments 
in  various  departments  of  the  government,  they  have 
multiplied  to  a  throng ;  and  to  the  coast  survey  itself 
belongs  the  honor  of  the  beginning.  Speaking  on  this 
subject,  a  writer  on  the  history  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution l  for  the  first  half  century  of  its  existence 
says :  "  The  history  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  is 
practically  coextensive  with  the  history  of  the  Naval 
Observatory,  organized  in  1842,  and  with  that  of  the 
Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey,  as  reorganized  in  1843.  .  .  . 
The  interest  taken  by  Joseph  Henry  in  the  progress  of 
the  more  abstruse  mathematical  theories  of  astronomy 
and  geodesy  forms  a  noteworthy  feature  of  his  annual 
reports.  These  reports  show  that  the  Institution  was 
in  touch  with  the  ablest  mathematicians  of  the  country, 
and  that  no  branch  of  their  science  was  so  abstract  as 
to  be  beyond  the  recognition  and  aid  of  the  Secretary. 
It  seems  strange,  in  the  present  day  of  open  avenues  to 
the  publication  of  meritorious  works,  that  at  a  time  less 
than  fifty  years  ago  there  should  have  been  difficulty 
in  finding  a  publisher  for  so  great  a  treatise  as  Professor 
Benjamin  Peirce's  '  Analytical  Mechanics.'  Still  more 
strange  does  it  appear  that  the  cooperation  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution  with  the  Navy  Department 
should  have  been  essential  to  secure  the  publication  of 
so  important  a  work  as  Davis' s  translation  of  Gauss's 

1  The  Smithsonian  Institution,   1846-1896,   edited  by  George   Brown 
Goode,  article  "  Mathematics,"  by  Robert  Simpson  Woodward. 


80  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

6  Theoria  Motus  Corporum  Ccelestium.' l  But  publish 
ers  in  those  days  found  little  demand  for,  and  less 
profit  in,  contributions  to  knowledge.  Science  as  such 
had  not  yet  been  recognized  by  the  colleges,  and  there 
were  only  a  few  men,  mostly  in  the  Eastern  States,  who 
found  in  their  surroundings  any  encouragement  to 
their  devotion  to  abstract  studies.  Even  the  govern 
ment  bureaus,  like  the  Naval  Observatory,  the  '  Nauti 
cal  Almanac'  Office,  and  the  Coast  and  Geodetic  \_sic] 
Survey,  had  not  yet  reached  an  independent  footing 
in  regard  to  the  publication  of  researches  indispensable 
to  the  progress  of  their  work." 

When  Davis  joined  the  coast  survey  as  an  assistant, 
the  work  so  far  accomplished  included  only  New  York 
Bay  and  the  neighboring  shores  of  Long  Island  and 
New  Jersey.  In  the  reorganization  of  the  work  in 
1843,  the  whole  coast  was  divided  into  sections  which 
were  placed  in  charge  of  separate  parties,  and  the 
hydrography  of  harbors  and  offshore  work  was  in 
trusted  to  naval  officers.  It  would  be  tedious  to  recite, 
in  chronological  detail,  the  events  of  Davis's  life  during 
the  seven  years  in  which  he  remained  attached  to  the 
survey.  From  April,  1842,  to  July,  1849,  he  was 
almost  constantly  employed  on  this  service,  the  inter 
ruptions  being  unimportant  and  infrequent.  His  first 
work  was  an  investigation  of  the  velocity  and  direc 
tion  of  the  tides  in  New  York  harbor  and  Long  Island 
Sound,  and  the  study  of  the  current  of  the  Gulf 

1  The  translation  of  the  Theoria  Motus  was  made  while  Davis  was  at 
the  head  of  the  Nautical  Almanac,  and  published  while  he  was  at  sea,  in 
1867. 


THE  COAST  SURVEY  81 

Stream  and  the  tides  and  currents  of  the  Nantucket 
Shoals.  His  work  in  this  connection  led  to  his  fre 
quent  employment  on  commissions  to  examine  the  prin 
cipal  harbors ;  and  he  served,  not  only  at  this  time 
but  subsequently,  as  a  permanent  member  of  several 
harbor  commissions  both  at  the  North  and  South.  He 
also  made  a  special  study  of  the  tides  in  Hell  Gate,  and 
prepared  a  plan  for  deepening  the  channel  and  re 
moving  obstructions,  for  which,  in  1848,  he  received 
the  thanks  of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
These  labors  led  to  a  general  study  of  the  laws  of 
tidal  action,  in  which  he  made  valuable  additions  to 
knowledge,  and  was  led  to  the  adoption  of  original  and 
striking  views,  which  are  embodied  in  his  "  Memoir 
upon  the  Geological  Action  of  the  Tidal  and  Other 
Currents  of  the  Ocean," l  and  in  his  "  Law  of  Deposit 
of  the  Flood  Tide."2  These  publications  made  his 
name  known  as  a  scientific  investigator  and  an  hydro- 
grapher  of  skill;  and  their  object  was  to  exhibit  the 
law  of  relation  between  the  tidal  currents  of  the  sea 
and  the  alluvial  deposits  on  its  borders,  showing  that 
this  law  had  contributed  in  past  ages,  and  is  still  oper 
ating,  to  affect  the  growth  of  continents  and  the  modi 
fication  of  their  forms.  He  also  undertook  a  general 
discussion  of  the  tidal  observations  of  the  whole  survey, 
and,  working  with  Hampton  Roads  as  a  base,  carried 
on  the  discussions  to  include  the  effects  of  the  moon's 
parallax  and  declination,  eliminating  which  the  fluctua 
tions  caused  by  atmospheric  changes  appear  as  residual 

1  Memoirs  American  Academy,  New  Series,  vol.  iv. 

2  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  iii. 


82  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

errors.  This  work  was  performed  under  the  direct 
supervision  of  the  superintendent  himself,  who  says : * 
"  The  effect  of  changes  of  pressure  and  of  winds  upon 
the  curve  of  height  is  already  apparent.  While  the 
accumulation  of  these  observations  enables  us  to  pro 
ceed  in  the  successive  steps  of  their  complete  discussion 
towards  a  prediction  tide-table,  the  new  observations 
under  the  immediate  direction  of  Lieutenant-Command 
ant  Davis  are  made  to  pass  through  the  previous  stages 
of  reduction.  I  have  also  availed  myself  of  Lieutenant- 
Commandant  Davis's  personal  labors  to  make  a  prelimi 
nary  discussion  of  the  tide  wave  in  Long  Island  Sound." 
In  1844,  on  the  reorganization  of  the  survey  under 
Professor  Bache,  Davis  was  placed  in  charge  of  the 
hydrography  of  the  eastern  section,  from  Passama- 
quoddy  Bay  to  Point  Judith,  embracing  the  coasts  of 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Rhode 
Island.  Besides  the  survey  of  several  harbors,  the 
principal  one  of  which  was  Boston,  Davis's  work  on 
this  section  was  almost  entirely  on  the  Nantucket 
Shoals.  It  seems  extraordinary  to  realize  that  until 
fifty  years  ago  these  shoals  had  never  been  surveyed, 
and  that  the  position  of  the  principal  dangers  in  the 
usual  track  of  vessels  was  laid  down  on  the  chart  on 
the  report  of  fishermen,  traders,  and  coast  pilots,  while 
other  shoals,  still  more  dangerous  because  their  exist 
ence  was  not  even  suspected,  had  never  been  reported, 
and  were  consequently  uncharted.  The  almost  imme 
diate  result  of  a  systematic  survey  was  the  discovery 
of  the  New  South  Shoal,  which  for  many  years  bore 
1  Report  of  the  Superintendent,  November,  1847. 


THE   COAST  SURVEY  83 

Da  vis's  name.  This  discovery  called  forth  letters  of 
acknowledgment  from  the  boards  of  underwriters  of 
Boston  and  New  York,  and  Davis  himself  says  of  it : 
"  Many  good  ships,  never  heard  of,  have  been  wrecked 
here,  and  their  scattered  remains,  carried  to  sea  by 
the  currents,  have  sunk  there  and  afforded  no  clue  to 
their  loss.  The  President,  steam  packet,  it  will  be 
recollected,  was  seen  hereabouts  for  the  last  time." 
Now  this  shoal  is  marked  by  the  South  Shoal  Light 
ship,  which  lies  farther  off  shore  than  any  light-ship  on 
the  coast.  The  work  on  Nantucket  Shoals  continued 
from  season  to  season  as  long  as  Davis  remained  on 
the  survey,  and  the  whole  extent  of  the  shoals  was 
accurately  surveyed.  Many  new  dangers  were  discov 
ered  and  laid  down,  and  a  study  made  of  the  set  of 
the  tides  and  currents. 

While  engaged  in  the  investigation  of  the  current  of 
the  Gulf  Stream,  Davis  commanded  the  brig  Wash 
ington,  and  for  the  offshore  work  on  Nantucket 
Shoals  and  the  hydrography  of  the  eastern  section  he 
commanded  successively  the  schooner  Gallatin  and  the 
steamer  Bibb.  Hydrographic  surveying  was  carried  on 
only  in  the  summer  season,  but  the  winters  were  occu 
pied  in  reducing  observations,  and  particularly  in  the 
work  on  the  tides  and  Hell  Gate ;  and  there  were  fre 
quent  journeys  along  the  coast  as  far  south  as  Florida, 
in  company  with  the  superintendent,  and  in  connection 
with  the  several  harbor  commissions,  of  which  they 
were  both  members  ;  and  to  Washington  for  consulta 
tions  at  the  Coast  Survey  Office.  In  this  way  an  inti 
macy  sprung  up  between  Bache  and  Davis  which  lasted 


84  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

until  the  former's  death  in  1867.  In  his  frequent  visits 
to  Washington  he  generally  stayed  with  Bache  at  the 
Coast  Survey  Office,  or  with  Henry  at  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,  with  whom  his  scientific  work  had  also 
brought  him  into  close  intimacy.  Davis  was  one  of 
the  trusted  and  responsible  officers  of  the  survey,  and 
in  fact,  during  the  latter  part  of  his  connection  with 
the  survey,  he  was  almost  constantly  in  consultation 
with  the  superintendent  on  matters  relating  not  only 
to  the  internal  policy  of  the  work,  but  in  defending 
and  supporting  the  institution  in  its  relations  with 
Congress  ;  for,  like  other  new  undertakings,  it  was  mis 
understood,  and  was  more  than  once  made  the  object 
of  attack.  On  one  of  these  occasions  Davis  was  brought 
into  close  relations  with  Jefferson  Davis,  who  had  un 
dertaken  the  defense  of  the  coast  survey  in  the  Senate. 
Davis's  connection  with  the  survey  ceased  in  1849,  and 
although  in  no  way  required,  either  by  custom  or  by 
official  courtesy,  the  superintendent  wrote  to  the  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury :  "  The  official  reports  of  the  pro 
gress  of  the  coast  survey  have,  from  time  to  time, 
brought  the  name  of  Lieutenant  Davis  very  promi 
nently  before  the  department,  as  marked  by  all  the 
qualities  which  insure  distinction  in  such  a  work.  The 
loss  of  his  services  will  be  deeply  felt.  The  zeal,  in 
dustry,  knowledge,  and  judgment,  ripened  by  expe 
rience,  which  he  has  brought  to  the  survey,  cannot 
soon  be  replaced.  They  have  conferred  upon  it  some 
of  its  most  decided  claims  to  usefulness  and  public 
approval."  The  hydrography  of  the  coast  survey  has 
been  carried  on  by  naval  officers  since  the  beginning, 


THE  COAST  SURVEY  85 

and  many  have  been  connected  with  the  survey,  first 
and  last;  but  the  work  has  now  taken  on  something 
of  a  routine  character,  while  it  was  Davis's  good  for 
tune  to  enter  the  service  of  the  survey  when  there 
was  still  a  wide  field  open  for  original  investigation 
and  discovery,  and  when  the  number  of  original  scien 
tific  workers  in  the  whole  country  was  comparatively 
small.  His  real  talents  were  developed  in  a  perfectly 
wholesome  and  congenial  atmosphere. 

About  this  time  several  young  German  officers  were 
in  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  serving  on  board 
our  ships  for  the  purpose  of  learning  their  profession; 
for  the  kingdom  of  Prussia  was  beginning  a  naval 
policy,  and  like  Kussia  in  1837,  having  no  naval  ma 
terial  at  home,  was  studying  the  best  naval  methods 
abroad.  The  choice  of  the  United  States  navy  as  a 
model  was  natural  enough,  as  our  ships  and  service 
had  a  very  high  reputation  for  efficiency,  and  our  coun 
try  was  the  one  great  power  having  no  interests  in  the 
continental  politics  of  Europe.  A  Prussian  commis 
sioner  was  in  Washington  to  study  naval  organization, 
and  with  powers  to  propose  to  the  Navy  Department 
the  selection  of  an  American  officer  to  take  charge 
of  the  organization  of  the  Prussian  navy.  Davis  was 
named  by  Commodore  M.  C.  Perry,  to  whom  the  ques 
tion  had  been  referred,  as  the  officer  best  qualified  for 
this  appointment.  But  the  negotiation,  if  indeed  it 
ever  amounted  to  so  much,  fell  through.  Davis  cer 
tainly  never  sought  the  place,  and  stood  in  a  perfectly 
passive  attitude,  and  it  is  only  mentioned  in  his  letters 
from  Washington  in  the  spring  of  1849  as  a  sugges- 


86  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

tion  of  Commodore  Perry's.  Indeed,  Davis's  heart 
was  in  his  scientific  work,  in  which  he  had  become 
thoroughly  engrossed. 

The  question  of  a  national  prime  meridian  was  a 
long  vexed  one,  which  was  only  finally  settled  by  legis 
lation  in  1855.  Seamen  generally  favored  adhesion  to 
the  meridian  of  Greenwich,  to  which  they  were  accus 
tomed,  and  to  which  their  charts,  and  for  many  years 
thereafter  the  charts  which  they  used  abroad,  referred. 
But  the  work  of  the  coast  survey  had  brought  out 
very  clearly  the  necessity  for  a  national  ephemeris, 
which  should  take  the  place  of  and  improve  upon  the 
"  British  Nautical  Almanac ; "  and  Davis  threw  the  whole 
weight  of  his  influence  and  energy  into  the  accom 
plishment  of  this  purpose.  He  was  seconded  by  Bache 
and  Henry,  and  by  Maury,  the  superintendent  of  the 
Naval  Observatory.  The  result  of  their  labors  was  the 
establishment  in  July,  1849,  of  the  "  American  Ephem 
eris  and  Nautical  Almanac,"  and  Davis  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  work,  and,  by  a  wise  provision  of  the 
department,  left  absolutely  unfettered  in  its  execution. 
Perhaps  no  one  achievement  of  his  life  has  entitled 
him  to  higher  fame,  or  has  left  a  more  lasting  impres 
sion.  The  author  of  the  "  Biographical  Memoir  "  for 
the  American  Academy  1  says  of  the  Almanac  :  "  The 
establishment  of  this  work  was  urged  by  its  projectors, 
and  especially  by  Lieutenant  Davis  (the  prime  mover 
in  the  undertaking),  with  two  motives  :  first,  to  ad 
vance  the  scientific  character  and  standing  of  the 
country  by  a  publication  of  the  highest  order  from  a 

1  Proceedings  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  vol.  xii. 


THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC  87 

scientific  point  of  view ;  and,  secondly,  to  promote  the 
cause  of  astronomy  itself,  and  render  substantial  ser 
vices  to  navigation  by  producing  a  work  on  a  higher 
plane  than  the  '  British  Nautical  Almanac/  fully  con 
formed  to  the  latest  developments  of  knowledge,  and 
likely  to  give  an  additional  stimulus  to  pure  research. 
To  carry  out  this  ambitious  plan,  with  the  revision  of 
the  solar,  lunar,  and  planetary  tables,  and  of  various 
points  of  astronomical  theory  which  it  involved,  it  was 
necessary  to  enlist  in  the  work  the  ablest  mathematical 
astronomers  of  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
train  up  a  body  of  young  computers,  and  to  inspire 
them  not  only  with  the  spirit  of  numerical  accuracy, 
but  with  the  true  love  of  science  and  desire  to  advance 
it.  To  this  arduous  but  most  interesting  task  Davis 
brought  his  admirable  judgment  and  his  fine  scientific 
talents,  together  with  that  fortunate  temperament  which 
easily  united  various  men  in  loyalty  to  one  enterprise, 
and  that  generosity  of  nature  which  thought  only  of 
doing  the  work  in  the  best  manner,  and  gladly  gave 
the  freest  possible  play  to  others'  individuality.  The 
first  volume  of  the  '  Ephemeris '  appeared  in  1852,  and 
was  very  favorably  received  on  both  sides  of  the  At 
lantic  ;  and  it  may  be  safely  said  that,  except  the  coast 
survey,  of  which  the  vast  scope  of  course  gives  it  pre 
eminence,  no  scientific  work  which  has  been  carried  on 
in  this  country  has  redounded  more  largely  to  the 
national  credit.  '  The  policy  adopted  in  the  newly 
formed  office,'  writes  one  who  was  familiar  with  it  and 
whose  judgment  is  authoritative,  '  though  not  in  all 
respects  to  be  permanently  imitated  as  a  piece  of 


88  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

administrative  machinery,  was  such  as  to  make  it  a 
more  efficient  promoter  of  mathematical  astronomy  in 
this  country  than  any  organization  we  have  ever  had. 
Young  men  of  talent  were  looked  for  from  all  quarters, 
were  employed  without  regard  to  personal  or  political 
influence,  were  paid  according  to  their  efficiency,  and 
were  encouraged  to  engage  in  any  branch  of  mathe 
matical  or  astronomical  research  which  would  tend  to 
improve  the  Almanac.  In  the  work  of  the  office  there 
was  a  freedom  from  discipline  and  restraint,  which, 
though  it  might  work  badly  under  other  circumstances, 
was  very  favorable  to  the  development  of  a  school  of 
mathematicians.  Besides  men  like  Peirce  and  Walker,1 
who  had  attained  eminence  before  becoming  connected 
with  the  office,  the  names  of  President  Runkle,  Pro 
fessors  Winlock  and  Newcomb,  Chauncey  Wright,  and 
William  Ferrel  may  be  cited  as  representatives  of  the 
men  who  were  first  brought  out  through  their  connec 
tion  with  the  Nautical  Almanac/  ' 

Those  who  engage  in  useful  scientific  pursuits,  and 
particularly  those  who  follow  astronomy  and  the  exact 
sciences,  need  have  no  misgivings  as  to  fame.  Not  in 
the  lifetime  of  the  laborer  perhaps,  but  sooner  or 
later,  honor  comes ;  for  their  works  are  embalmed  in 
the  chronicles  of  exact  truth.  Speaking  of  the  precise 
measurements  of  practical  astronomy,  Sir  John  Her- 
schel  says  : 2  "  The  brazen  circle  with  which  that  useful 
work  was  done  may  moulder,  the  marble  pillar  totter 
on  its  base,  and  the  astronomer  himself  survive  only 

1  Sears  C.  Walker. 

2  Introduction  to  the  B.  A.  C.t  ed.  1845,  p.  5. 


THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC  89 

in  the  gratitude  of  his  posterity ;  but  the  record  re 
mains,  and  transfuses  all  its  own  exactness  into  every 
determination  which  takes  it  for  a  groundwork."  The 
"  Nautical  Almanac  "  stands  a  monument  to  Davis's 
scientific  skill,  more  enduring  than  brass  or  marble. 

The  "  Nautical  Almanac  "  office  was  established  in 
Cambridge,  for  the  advantages  which  could  only  be 
derived  from  the  proximity  of  the  University,  in  the 
immediate  availability  of  mathematical  talent,  as  well  as 
for  the  benefits  of  the  library,  which  had  been  enriched 
by  Nathaniel  Bowditch,  and  his  own  private  library, 
which  was  still  accessible  to  students.  The  theoretical 
department  of  the  work  was  placed  under  the  special 
direction  of  Professor  Peirce,  and  most  of  the  calcula 
tions  passed  under  his  final  revision.  During  the  years 
of  Davis's  connection  with  the  coast  survey  and  "  Nau 
tical  Almanac,"  Cambridge  continued  to  be  his  abode. 
He  married,  in  1842,  Harriette  Blake,  the  youngest 
daughter  of  the  Hon.  Elijah  Hunt  Mills,  of  North 
ampton,  some  time  United  States  senator  from  Massa 
chusetts.  Mr.  Mills  died  in  1829,  in  the  prime  of  life, 
but  his  widow  survived  to  extreme  old  age,  a  woman 
of  distinguished  personality  and  most  charming  char 
acter,  who  made  her  home  in  Cambridge,  living  some 
times  with  one  married  daughter  and  sometimes  with 
the  other.  The  older  Miss  Mills  had  married  Benjamin 
Peirce.  In  1846  Davis  built  a  house  on  Quincy  Street, 
between  Cambridge  Street  and  Broadway,  which  is  now 
the  property  of  the  University.  At  that  time  Quincy 
Street  was  a  new  street,  and  it  was  not  accepted  by 
the  city  until  1852.  It  was  on  the  very  outskirts  of 


90  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Cambridge,  though  it  formed  one  boundary  of  the  Col 
lege  Yard.  Beyond  it,  to  the  eastward,  the  meadows 
stretched  in  unbroken  undulations  to  East  Cambridge 
and  the  marshes,  and  there  were  almost  no  houses  be 
tween  Davis' s  and  East  Cambridge.  From  his  eastern 
windows  the  dome  of  the  State  House  and  Castle  Wil 
liam,  in  the  harbor,  were  conspicuous  objects.  Settle 
ment  in  Cambridge  had  clustered  along  the  lines  of 
Kirkland  Street,  Brattle  Street,  Garden  Street,  Mason 
Street,  and  about  the  College  Yard  and  Common.  Cam- 
bridgeport,  a  suburb  between  Cambridge  and  the  West 
Boston  bridge,  lay  along  Main  and  Harvard  streets 
eastward  from  Dana  Hill.  Broadway  was  a  country 
lane,  and  Cambridge  Street,  as  its  name  implied,  led  to 
East  Cambridge  and  the  Court  House  and  to  Craigie's 
bridge.  Westward  of  the  terminus  of  Brattle  Street 
was  the  beautiful  country  about  Mount  Auburn,  Ar 
lington,  and  Fresh  Pond,  along  which  stretched  the 
Concord  Turnpike.  The  river,  most  picturesque  at 
Watertown,  was  bordered  at  Cambridge  by  broad  tide- 
marshes,  dotted  with  big  ricks  of  marsh  hay  propped 
up  on  high  spiles ;  and  in  winter  the  river  was  often 
frozen  over  solid,  and  smelt  was  taken  through  holes 
cut  in  the  ice.  The  river  was  crossed  at  Cambridge 
by  the  Brighton  bridge,  and  at  Cambridgeport  by  the 
Brookline  bridge,  leading  to  Brookline,  Jamaica  Pond, 
and  West  Koxbury,  where  Mr.  Minot,  Davis's  brother- 
in-law,  and  his  sons,  —  who  were  almost  Davis's  con 
temporaries  in  age,  —  had  established  themselves  in  a 
beautiful  country  place  of  considerable  extent.  The 
Sunday  drives  to  West  Roxbury  were  a  constant  source 


THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC  91 

of  pleasure  in  the  simple  and  busy  life  at  Cam 
bridge.  The  College  Yard,  as  it  was  always  familiarly 
called,  was  the  centre  round  which  the  town  of  Cam 
bridge  clustered ;  and  if  it  was  wanting  in  architectural 
pretension,  the  old  buildings  in  their  quiet  dignity  of 
age,  the  broad  lawns,  and  the  ancient  elms  in  which 
the  whole  College  was  embowered,  gave  a  character  to 
the  place  which  it  has  since  lost.  Diagonally  opposite 
from  Davis's  house  was  the  Delta,  —  now  occupied  by 
Memorial  Hall,  —  on  which  the  college  games  were  cel 
ebrated.  Cambridge  was  a  remote  suburb  of  Boston, 
which  was  only  to  be  reached  by  private  conveyance 
or  by  the  "  hourly,"  an  omnibus  of  magnificent  pro 
portions  which  plied  between  Harvard  Square  and 
Brattle  Street  in  Boston.  During  the  summers,  until 
1849,  the  offshore  work  in  the  Gulf  Stream  and  on 
the  Nantucket  Shoals  kept  Davis  constantly  away  from 
home;  and  after  the  establishment  of  the  Almanac, 
and  the  more  settled  life  which  that  work  entailed, 
there  were  still  frequent  excursions  down  the  bay  with 
the  Boston  pilots,  on  duties  connected  with  the  Harbor 
Commission,  and  occasional  journeys  on  similar  busi 
ness  to  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Washington,  and  the 
South. 

Peirce  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  Quincy  Street, 
in  a  house  which  has  since  been  removed  to  give 
place  to  Sever  Hall,  and  the  two  households  dwelt 
almost  as  one.  There  was  the  freedom  and  intimacy 
of  intellectual  distinction  in  the  social  life  of  Cam 
bridge  at  this  time,  but  it  is  not  for  the  present  writer 
to  depict  it.  Abler  pens  than  his  have  pictured  a 


92  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

social  condition  Arcadian  in  its  simplicity  and  almost 
unique  of  its  kind ;  and  merely  to  enumerate  Davis's 
neighbors,  friends,  and  associates  in  Cambridge  would 
be  to  call  the  roll  of  names  which  belong  to  the  front 
rank  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  country. 

Amidst  such  congenial  surroundings  and  in  such 
peaceful  scenes  as  these  the  happiest  years  of  a  useful 
life  were  passed,  while  the  clouds  of  war  were  gather 
ing,  and  the  shadows  of  an  irrepressible  conflict  were 
darkening  over  the  land.  But  it  must  not  be  inferred 
that  his  social  and  domestic  happiness  and  the  engross 
ing  interest  of  his  work  obscured  in  Davis' s  mind  a 
realization  of  the  political  condition  of  the  country. 
The  whole  intellect  of  the  North  watched  with  keen 
anxiety  the  development  of  political  events.  The 
temper  in  which  it  watched  was  misunderstood.  The 
North  was  very  patient  and  very  earnest  for  the  Union, 
and  there  still  existed  the  deepest  veneration  for  the 
great  names  which  the  South  had  given  to  history.  In 
March,  1852,  and  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  Davis 
was  in  Richmond  with  Maury,  on  his  way  to  a  meet 
ing  of  the  Harbor  Commission  at  Charleston,  and  he 
wrote :  "  I  find  that  my  mind  is  stirred  with  strong 
emotions  of  patriotism  by  being  for  the  first  time  in 
the  capital  of  Virginia.  Whilst  the  aspect  of  every 
thing  is  new,  the  place  recalls  numberless  exciting  and 
deep-rooted  recollections  and  associations  familiar  as 
household  words,  the  very  treasures  of  memory  and  the 
pride  of  thought.  Richmond  brings  up  the  remem 
brance  of  Henry,  Washington  the  godlike,  Jefferson, 
Madison,  and  of  Marshall  and  Wirt.  'My  heart  is 


THE  NAUTICAL  ALMANAC  93 

stirred*  (not  ( idly ')  when  I  consider  the  things  done 
in  past  times  by  these  heroes  of  my  own  —  yes,  still, 
thank  God  !  my  own  country.  They  shall  ever  be 
'  freshly  remembered.'  Our  children  shall  be  taught 
to  imitate  them,  and  thus  they  will  be  made  virtuous 
and  useful ;  and  if  virtuous  and  useful,  then  happy." 


CHAPTER   VI 

COMMANDER  —  VARIOUS   DUTIES  —  THE   SAINT  MARY'S 

IN  1853  Davis  served  with  his  friend  Du  Pont  as 
superintendent  of  the  Crystal  Palace  Exhibition  in  New 
York.  He  passed  the  whole  summer  and  autumn  in 
this  work,  and  did  a  great  deal  towards  saving  that 
mismanaged  enterprise  from  failure.  In  recognition 
of  the  value  of  his  labors  he  received  a  handsome  ser 
vice  of  plate,  but  he  got  very  little  else,  except  vexa 
tion,  from  it.  In  1854,  after  thirty-one  years'  service 
and  twenty-three  years  in  the  grade  of  lieutenant,  he 
was  promoted  and  received  his  commander's  commis 
sion,  and  in  1855  he  served  as  a  member  of  the  board 
of  visitors  at  the  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  from  anything  in  the  pre 
ceding  pages  that  Davis  was  himself  opposed  to  a  naval 
school  as  such.  On  the  contrary,  he  had  consistently 
advocated  its  establishment.  He  was  one  of  the  officers 
consulted  in  1845  on  the  foundation  of  the  Academy, 
and  in  1837,  on  the  occasion  of  the  visit  of  the  Inde 
pendence  to  Copenhagen,  he  had  examined  and  de 
scribed  the  Danish  naval  school.  He  says  :  "  At  the 
presentation  (to  King  Frederick  VI.  of  Denmark),  the 
subjects  of  conversation  were  chiefly  professional.  His 
Majesty  asked  Mr.  Slidell  some  question  concerning  our 


N       COMMANDER  95 

Naval  Academy ;  and  when  he  was  informed  that  we 
had  none,  he  exclaimed  with  great  surprise,  'Cela 
m'etonne  ! '  And  it  certainly  is  a  matter  of  reason 
able  surprise  that  while  the  instructions  of  every  com 
mander  require  of  him  the  performance  of  duties  that 
suppose  a  liberal  and  general  education,  yet  no  ade 
quate  provision  is  made  for  securing  the  requisite  de 
gree  of  knowledge  and  capacity.  Men  are  properly 
trained  by  early  discipline  to  qualify  them  for  all  other 
important  offices,  or  else  their  ability  is  fairly  tested  by 
public  competition.  But  in  the  navy,  on  the  contrary, 
individuals  are  left  entirely  to  their  own  unassisted 
energies  to  contend  against  want  of  means  and  oppor 
tunities,  to  overcome  obstacles  that  may  well  damp 
common  ardor,  or  yield  to  the  insidious  promptings  of 
indolence.  They  must  study,  if  they  study  at  all,  with 
out  system  and  without  teachers,  or  hitch  along  from 
necessity  to  necessity.  Still,  it  is  universally  conceded 
that  the  navy  is  the  most  important  arm  of  our  national 
defense."  Like  most  self-educated  men,  Davis  had  an 
intense  appreciation  of  the  advantages  of  systematic 
training.  He  admired  in  the  Danish  naval  school  the 
judicious  combination  of  the  practical  with  the  academi 
cal  courses  of  instruction,  but  he  probably,  and  natu 
rally,  failed  to  appreciate  the  enormous  advantages 
which  were  derived  from  early  responsibility,  and  from 
a  system  which  forced  incompetent  men,  if  not  wholly 
out  of  service,  at  least  into  obscurity  and  inactivity ; 
for  in  his  day  the  conspicuous  leaders  of  the  naval  pro 
fession  were  as  distinctly  marked  as  are  those  of  the 
bar  or  medicine.  He  worked  earnestly  for  our  own 


96  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

school,  and  in  his  address  to  the  graduating  class  in 
1855  he  said  :  "  Your  advantages  of  education  have 
been  infinitely  superior  to  anything  enjoyed  by  the 
generation  of  officers  which  precedes  you.  We  do  not 
envy  you  your  greater  good  fortune.  Quite  otherwise : 
we  congratulate  you  upon  it.  We  congratulate  our 
selves  that  the  period  of  darkness,  in  which  it  was 
thought  that  refinement  and  cultivation  were  incom 
patible  with  the  professional  duties  of  a  sea-officer,  has 
utterly  passed  away."  In  1845  the  course  at  the  naval 
school  was  fixed  at  five  years,  of  which  three  years  con 
secutively  were  passed  afloat,  and  in  1851  the  system 
was  changed  to  a  four  years'  course  at  the  school,  fol 
lowed  by  service  at  sea ;  but  still  the  course  was  de 
cidedly  practical,1  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  most 
ardent  advocate  of  early  education  in  the  old  navy 
would  have  favored  a  system  which  makes  a  young 
officer  familiar  with  the  chemical  properties  of  steel 
and  the  abstruse  theories  of  magnetism,  but  leaves  him 
in  practical  ignorance  of  how  to  steer  a  ship,  or  take 
soundings,  or  handle  a  boat  in  a  sea-way  or  strong  tide. 

1  The  word  is  used  with  the  utmost  deference  to  Captain  Mahan  (see 
the  address  at  the  opening  of  the  War  College  in  1892).  Conceding  the 
full  force  of  Captain  Mahan's  argument,  it  is  submitted  that  theory 
becomes  good  practice  only  at  the  hands  of  the  experienced  practician. 
In  fact,  it  is  presumed  that  that  is  exactly  what  Captain  Mahan  means. 
To  extend  his  argument  in  support  of  a  purely  academic  training  of  naval 
officers  is  a  reductio  ad  dbsurdum.  Taking  Captain  Mahan's  own  illustra 
tion,  could  Bonaparte  have  planned  and  executed  the.  Marengo  campaign 
if  he  had  never  seen  an  army  in  the  field  ?  On  the  field  of  Austerlitz  the 
Emperor  saw  and  seized  upon  a  false  movement  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy,  and  turned  it  to  his  own  instant  advantage.  Could  he  have  done 
this  if  his  "  practice  "  had  been  confined  exclusively  to  the  closet  ? 


COMMANDER  97 

The  Academy  in  1855  was  in  close  touch  with  the  ser 
vice,  and  the  service  at  large  felt  that  the  school  was 
its  own,  and  working  for  its  own  best  interests.  The 
yearly  boards  of  visitors  were  composed,  as  of  course 
they  should  always  be,  entirely  of  naval  officers  of  high 
rank,  selected  for  their  standing  in  the  service,  which 
was  still  an  acknowledged  quality.  The  office  was  no 
sinecure,  as  it  involved  a  minute  and  laborious  exam 
ination  of  the  school  and  its  policy,  guided  by  techni 
cal  professional  knowledge.  Davis  was  chosen  to  de 
liver  the  address  to  the  graduating  class.  The  address 
is  a  model  of  sound  advice  and  professional  wisdom, 
without  a  trace  of  pedantry  or  affectation.  It  was 
printed  at  the  joint  request  of  the  academic  board 
and  the  graduating  class,  and  several  members  of  the 
latter  have  preserved  it  to  this  day,  and  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  it  has,  to  some  slight  extent  perhaps, 
influenced  the  course  of  their  lives.  It  might  command 
a  larger  share  of  the  listener's  attention  than  the  com 
monplace  platitudes  of  a  political  orator,  when  the 
speaker  could  say :  "  But  if  to  witness  the  first  scene 
of  the  entrance  into  life  of  young  men  of  ambition  and 
education  always  excites  pleasurable  emotions,  even  in 
the  general  spectator,  how  much  more  must  we  feel  with 
regard  to  you,  —  we  who  are  united  to  you  by  the  ties 
of  a  common  profession,  which  bind  us  together  like 
the  ties  of  marriage,  indissoluble  but  by  death  ! "  The 
experience  of  this  duty  was  a  delightful  one  to  Davis, 
and  he  wrote  :  "  It  has  been  very  satisfactory  to  me,  on 
this  account  (among  other  reasons),  that  I  have  been  so 
long  out  of  the  navy  and  its  society  and  associations 


98  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

that  I  might,  not  unreasonably,  be  thought  to  have  lost 
some  of  the  spirit  of  the  profession  and  some  of  my 
knowledge  of  its  wants  and  character.  It  reunites  me 
with  the  service,  from  which  the  pursuits  of  science 
seemed  to  have  separated  me.  I  have  had  some  very 
flattering  things  said  to  me  by  the  officers.  .  .  .  The 
great  harmony,  cordiality,  and  good  feeling  which  have 
prevailed  throughout  have  produced  a  decided  feeling 
of  personal  attachment  among  the  members  of  the 
board,  and  they  give  quite  a  tender  character  to  our 
parting.  It  was  the  renewal  of  my  long-suspended 
intercourse  with  my  brother  officers  which,  you  know, 
rendered  this  duty  particularly  agreeable  to  me.  And 
I  have  derived  from  the  contact  more  pleasure,  and 
more  advantage,  than  I  expected  even.  I  feel  as  if  I 
had  been  rejuvenated  with  regard  to  the  service.  I 
shall  have  a  great  deal  to  tell  you  about  this.  I  feel 
and  think  much  more  about  it  than  I  can  possibly  put 
on  paper.  ...  I  am  writing  with  one  of  those  long- 
handled  steel  pens  of  Bache's,  which  it  requires  the 
skill  of  a  mountebank  to  balance." 

During  this  year  and  the  following,  Davis  was  con 
stantly  away  from  home,  on  duties  with  the  Harbor 
Commission  at  New  York,  of  which  he  was  a  perma 
nent  member,  and  in  frequent  consultations  with  Bache 
in  Washington,  and  with  Henry,  Maury,  General  Tot- 
ten  (the  chief  of  engineers),  with  all  of  whom  he  was 
associated  on  boards  and  commissions  relating  to  similar 
matters.  He  also  elaborated  his  plan  for  the  improve 
ment  of  Hell  Gate,  which  was  adopted  by  the  commis 
sioners,  and  for  which  he  received,  as  has  been  noted, 


VARIOUS  DUTIES  99 

the  thanks  of  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
In  fact,  he  was  an  exceedingly  busy  man.  His  scien 
tific  reputation  was  an  established  fact,  and  his  services 
were  in  constant  demand.  But  there  was  another  sub 
ject  in  which  his  interest  was  equally  engrossed,  namely, 
naval  reform,  and  the  retiring  board  of  1855.  He  was 
not  a  member  of  the  board,  but  he  was  summoned  to 
Washington  to  meet  Du  Pont,  who  bore  nearly  the 
whole  brunt  of  the  odium  which  the  board  suffered  as 
a  consequence  of  its  action,  and  together  they  managed 
the  defense  in  the  bitter  attacks  which  were  directed 
against  the  board,  and  against  Du  Pont  especially,  in 
Congress.  In  this  connection  he  writes  :  "  March  10, 
1856.  Yesterday,  after  dinner,  I  came  up  to  Du  Pont's, 
who  lives  in  this  part  of  the  city,  and  I  remained  with 
him  till  half  past  ten  o'clock.  We  fought  over  all  the 
battles  of  the  navy.  He  had  a  great  deal  to  tell  me, 
and  I  had  something  to  tell  him.  If  you  are  worried 
now  by  the  little  difficulties  I  have  to  contend  with, 
and  those  not  personal,  I  don't  know  what  you  would 
do  if  I  were  in  Du  Pont's  situation.  The  feeling  against 
the  board  is,  I  may  almost  say,  concentrated  upon  him. 
He  sustains  himself  perfectly,  wonderfully.  I  have 
never  had  more  cause  to  admire  his  courage  and  strength 
of  character  than  now,  when  he  is  beset  with  enemies 
and  difficulties.  He  has  numerous  friends,  however, 
and  some  good  ones." 

In  November,  1856,  Davis  was  offered  a  command 
at  sea,  which  of  course  he  accepted,  as  he  wrote : 
"  When  the  secretary  offered  me  a  command  yesterday, 
it  was  an  alternative  5  the  other  choice  was  to  give 


100  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

up  all  desire  for  a  command,  and  to  resign  the  active 
service."  He  might  have  remained  indefinitely  at  the 
head  of  the  "  Nautical  Almanac,"  as  Maury  remained 
indefinitely  at  the  Observatory ;  but  he  could  not  con 
template  a  situation  which  obliged  him  to  forego  all 
hope  of  promotion,  and  resign  the  active  life  of  the 
profession.  He  had  fully  expected  a  command  since  his 
promotion.  He  was  therefore  appointed  to  the  Saint 
Mary's,  sloop  of  war,  on  the  Pacific  station,  his  old 
cruising  ground.  He  sailed  from  New  York  in  the 
steam  frigate  Wabash,  carrying  out  the  relief  officers 
and  crew  for  the  Saint  Mary's  at  Panama,  crossed  the 
isthmus  with  his  men  by  the  newly  constructed  Panama 
Railroad,  and  took  command  of  his  ship  on  December 
16th.  For  the  next  two  years  he  cruised  in  the  Pacific. 
The  Saint  Mary's  visited  several  ports  on  the  West 
Coast  of  South  America,  the  Marquesas  and  Sandwich 
Islands,  and  surveyed  several  uninhabited  islands  in 
the  South  Pacific.  Davis  took  formal  possession  of 
New  Nantucket  and  Jarvis  islands, 'the  principal  object 
for  the  survey  and  occupation  of  these  islands  being 
the  guano  deposits,  which  turned  out  to  be  of  no  great 
commercial  value,  although  they  were  operated  by  the 
American  Guano  Company. 

In  1855  William  Walker,1  a  native  of  Tennessee, 
and  an  adventurer  by  profession,  had  landed  in  Nica 
ragua  with  a  handful  of  followers,  for  the  ostensible 
purpose  of  affording  military  assistance  to  the  demo 
cratic  party  in  the  intestine  disturbances  which  were 
agitating  that  republic.  His  real  purpose  was  the 

1  See  American  Cyclopaedia,  article  "  Walker." 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  101 

extension  of  the  slave  power  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  opening  up  of  new  and  promising  fields  for  Amer 
ican  slave  labor  and  a  new  market  for  American  slaves. 
He  was  a  fearless  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  an  able 
man,  and  at  first  his  success  was  phenomenal.  After 
a  series  of  adventures,  in  which  he  won  several  battles 
for  the  democratic  cause,  he  became  generalissimo,  then 
president,  and  finally  dictator,  of  Nicaragua.  He  was 
now  apparently  secure  in  the  possession  of  power,  but 
his  first  step  toward  the  accomplishment  of  his  real 
object  was  a  mistake,  and  sealed  the  destruction  of  his 
own  fortunes.  He  began  by  revoking  the  charter  of 
the  Vanderbilt  Company,  by  which  the  route  of  transit 
through  Lake  Nicaragua  was  managed.  His  intention 
was,  probably,  to  remove  Northern  influence  from  the 
country,  but  he  miscalculated  the  result  of  antagonizing 
the  money  power  of  the  North.  When  he  followed 
up  this  act  by  revoking  the  decree  prohibiting  slavery 
in  the  dominions  of  the  republic,  which  had  been  in 
force  for  thirty-two  years,  violent  insurrections  broke 
out,  which  were  seconded  by  other  Central  American 
States,  and  stimulated  by  agents  of  the  Vanderbilt  Com 
pany,  who  furnished  arms  and  money.  An  alliance 
was  formed  against  Walker,  an  allied  army  took  the 
field,  and  Walker  soon  found  himself  in  a  very  pre 
carious  situation  and  fast  losing  ground,  with  dwindling 
forces  and  a  failing  cause.  In  the  spring  of  1857 
Davis  was  sent  to  San  Juan  del  Sur  with  the  Saint 
Mary's,  to  watch  events.  By  this  time  Walker  was 
reduced  to  desperate  straits.  He  was  besieged  in  Rivas, 
and  his  total  destruction  was  only  a  question  of  time. 


102  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Davis  acted  entirely  on  his  own  responsibility,  for  he 
had  received  no  orders  or  instructions  either  from  the 
commodore  on  the  station  or  from  the  government  at 
home.  He  also  acted  strictly  in  the  interests  of  hu 
manity,  for  he  knew  perfectly  well  that  Walker  de 
served  his  fate,  but  he  could  not  lie  still  in  the  Saint 
Mary's  at  San  Juan  del  Sur  and  see  American  citizens 
butchered  in  cold  blood  within  reach  of  his  arm,  no 
matter  how  criminal  or  misguided  they  might  be.  He 
went  to  Rivas,  taking  with  him  only  the  surgeon  of  the 
ship  as  aid  and  secretary,  and,  by  the  exercise  of  ju 
dicious  pressure  on  the  allied  chiefs,  he  raised  the  siege 
of  Rivas  and  received  the  surrender  of  Walker,  with 
sixteen  of  his  principal  officers  and  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  all  Americans,  under  their  pledge  to 
leave  the  country,  for  which  he  became  surety.  He 
also  took  possession  of  the  schooner  Granada,  at  San 
Juan  del  Sur,  which  Walker  had  seized,  and  in  which 
he  had  hoped  to  effect  his  escape,  and  turned  her  over 
to  the  authorities  of  Nicaragua.  He  received  Walker 
and  his  army  on  board  the  Saint  Mary's,  and  trans 
ported  them  to  Panama,  whence  he  sent  them  home 
to  the  United  States.  Davis  was  assailed  in  Congress 
for  his  conduct  of  this  affair,  but  the  leaders  of  the 
slave  party  had  sense  enough  to  know  that  his  action 
was  strictly  justifiable  from  every  point  of  view,  and 
the  question  was  allowed  to  drop.  Walker  had  no 
scruple  in  violating  his  pledge,  and  within  the  year  he 
landed  again  in  Nicaragua,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  but 
was  intercepted  and  arrested  by  Commodore  Paulding, 
Davis's  old  shipmate  of  the  Dolphin,  who  commanded 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  103 

on  that  station,  and  sent  again  to  the  United  States. 
In  1860  he  made  a  similar  attempt  to  invade  the  re 
public  of  Honduras,  which  was  a  complete  fiasco.  He 
was  overpowered  by  the  native  troops,  taken  a  prisoner 
to  Truxillo,  and  shot  in  the  public  square.  The  Walker 
episode  was  a  trivial  enough  event  as  far  as  Davis  was 
concerned,  but  it  served  to  bring  out  the  conspicuous 
traits  of  his  official  character,  —  promptness,  and  sound 
ness  of  judgment,  and  fearlessness  of  responsibility.  It 
marked  him  as  a  man  who  could  be  depended  upon  in 
an  emergency. 

Of  course,  on  his  return  to  the  United  States, 
Walker  sought  to  betray  his  deliverer  by  loudly  pro 
claiming  that  Davis  had  forced  him  to  surrender  at 
Rivas  by  throwing  the  weight  of  his  authority  with  the 
allied  commanders,  when  his  (Walker's)  chances  of 
ultimate  success  were  still  good.  The  fact  is,  Davis 
saved  Walker's  life,  and  the  lives  of  his  officers  and 
army ;  for  that  there  would  have  been  a  general  mas 
sacre  at  Rivas,  following  capitulation,  no  person  conver 
sant  with  the  situation  and  the  character  of  the  people 
engaged  ever  doubted.  It  was  admitted  by  several  of 
Walker's  own  officers.  Davis  himself  wrote  from  Mare 
Island,  in  March,  1858 :  "  Among  the  things  which  I 
put  down  to  mention  to  you,  is  my  having  received 
numerous  calls  from  officers  of  the  army  in  San  Fran 
cisco  and  here.  The  officers  who  called  here  came 
from  the  barracks  at  Benicia,  seven  miles  distant. 
They  all  spoke  of  the  affair  at  Rivas,  and  adopted  the 
view  that  I  saved  Walker  and  his  people  from  the 
terrible  fate  of  Colonel  Crabbe  and  his  party  in  Mex- 


104:  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ico.  It  was  apparently  the  object  of  their  call  to  express 
their  approval  of  my  course,  and  sympathy  with  me  in 
relation  to  Walker's  attacks.  General  Sanders  sent 
me  a  note,  of  which  the  inclosed  is  a  copy.  [The  note 
was  extremely  flattering.]  He  was  the  third  in  com 
mand  at  Rivas.  General  Frey,  by  far  the  most  re 
spectable  American  officer  Walker  ever  had  with  him 
in  character  and  talents,  and  a  very  pleasant  gentleman, 
called  with  a  party  of  friends  to  pay  his  respects  and 
offer  his  thanks  and  congratulations.  He  was  not  in 
Rivas  at  the  time  of  the  capitulation.  You  will  be 
gratified  to  hear  this.  The  right  view  of  my  conduct 
seems  to  have  been  taken  in  San  Francisco.  I  was 
amused  and  shocked  to  see  Henningsen's l  last  letter. 
I  have  very  often  said  among  my  friends  that  the  false 
hood  and  utter  want  of  principle  of  these  people  would, 
sooner  or  later,  lead  them  into  some  acts  which  would 
bring  them  to  confusion.  ...  I  have  no  feeling  now  on 
the  subject,  but  I  shall  never  cease  to  wonder  at  the 
delusion  of  the  South  in  accepting  Walker's  assertion 
that  I  forced  him  to  leave  Rivas.  I  will  dismiss  the 
subject  by  saying  (what  I  very  possibly  may  have  said 
before)  that  I  have  one  feeling  paramount  to  all  others, 
and  that  is  gratitude  that  I  was  relieved  from  the  hor 
ror  of  witnessing  the  slaughter  of  my  countrymen,  as 
it  occurred  in  Havana  and  in  Lower  California,  without 
the  ability  to  succor  them.  This  would  have  been  a 
calamity  as  enduring  as  my  life.  I  thank  God  that  He 
permitted  me  to  escape  that." 

The  Saint  Mary's  went  to  Mare  Island  in  March, 

1  He  was  one  of  Walker's  principal  officers. 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  105 

1858,  to  refit,  and  did  not  get  away  again  until  the 
middle  of  August.  The  delay  was  caused  at  first  by 
lack  of  funds  at  the  yard  for  the  repairs,  and  then  by 
the  excitement  attending  the  discovery  of  gold  at  Thom 
son's  and  Frazer's  rivers,  followed  by  a  general  exodus 
of  the  mechanics  of  the  yard  and  the  desertion  of  a 
large  number  of  seamen  from  the  Saint  Mary's  crew. 
During  this  long  period,  while  the  Saint  Mary's  was 
under  the  sheers,  Davis  lived  on  board  the  Independ 
ence)  which  was  stationary  receiving  ship.  Farragut 
was  in  command  at  the  station,  and  the  intercourse 
between  the  two  was  constant  and  intimate.  A  few 
extracts  from  Davis' s  letters  from  the  Mare  Island  navy 
yard  may  show  the  manner  of  the  man,  and  bring  the 
short  chapter  of  the  cruise  of  the  Saint  Mary's  to  a 
close :  — 

March  26th.  Several  of  my  officers  are  very  much  at 
tached  to  me,  and  very  extravagant  in  their  way  of  speaking 
of  me  to  others,  the  effect  of  which  I  sometimes  see  in  their 
manners.  This  is  much  more  agreeable  than  if  it  were  the 
other  way,  still  I  am  ready  to  exclaim,  "  Save  me  from  my 
friends !  "  Such  unmeaning  praises  go  but  little  way  with 
discriminating  people.  "  Now  you  will  come  into  court  and 
swear  that  I  have  a  poor  pennyworth  in  the  "  German,  but 
they  say  I  speak  it  fluently.  The  purity  and  distinctness  with 
which  the  French  admiral  speaks  his  native  language  is  re 
marked  upon  by  his  countrymen :  now  I  hear  that  I  speak 
French  as  well  as  Admiral  Lugeol.  Such  compliments  make 
one  blush  not  only  with  shame,  but  with  a  sense  of  guiltiness. 

May  17th.  I  have  had  my  young  middy  (my  only  young 
ster)  out  in  a  little  schooner  a  week,  dredging  and  dragging 
the  net,  in  Mare  Island  Straits,  San  Pablo  Bay,  and  San 


106  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Francisco  Bay,  to  get  something  for  Agassiz  ;  I  am  sorry  to 
say,  not  with  the  success  I  anticipated.  The  amount  of  animal 
life  in  the  water  is  nothing  like  that  on  our  shores  and  in  our 
bays.  The  whole  physical  geography  of  these  coasts  is  es 
sentially  different  from  ours.  This  I  need  not  tell  him.  But 
I  wish  you  would  tell  him  that  I  have  brought  from  Hono 
lulu  a  Crustacea  for  him,  presented  by  the  Agricultural  Society 
of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  at  my  solicitation.  When  he  sees  it 
he  will  say,  "  Oh,  Davis !  Davis !  "  pronouncing  the  a  like  the 
French  e  with  the  grave  accent,  and  the  i  like  our  long  e.  .  .  . 

Have  I  spoken  to  you  in  a  previous  letter  of  the  life 
of  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Parry  ?  You  will  be  deeply  inter 
ested  in  it.  It  is  a  principle  of  my  life  to  cultivate  indiffer 
ence  towards  and  independence  of  individual  opinions.  I  study 
to  be  regardless  of  what  others  think  of  my  profession l  and 
myself.  If  it  were  not  so,  I  would  recommend  this  book  to 
the  notice  of  some  persons  who  think  a  life  in  the  navy 
incompatible  with  and  irreconcilable  to  all  moral  goodness. 
Sir  Edward  Parry  had  what  the  Catholics  call  a  vocation. 
His  call  would  have  made  him  distinguished  in  any  sphere 
of  life.  How  much  he  resembles  Havelock  I 

June  18th.  I  have  delivered  Mr.  Folsom's  message  to 
Captain  Farragut :  the  latter  had  often  spoken  to  me  of  the 
former,  and  always  in  terms  of  gratitude  and  affection.  He 
was  very  glad  to  hear  from  Mr.  Folsom,2  and  begged  me  to 
say  to  him  everything  that  was  kind.  He  had  never  forgotten 
his  obligations  to  Jiim,  and  never  would  forget  them.  He 

1  There  existed  in  Davis's  time,  and  exists  still  probably,  in  the  East, 
and  especially  in  Boston,  a  prejudice  against  the  military  and  naval  pro 
fessions  amounting  almost  to  a  social  stigma.    Yet,  curiously  enough,  the 
people  themselves  are  not  wholly  exempt  from  the  national  weakness 
which  exults  in  questionable  military  titles. 

2  See  Mahan's  Life  of  Admiral  Farragut,  pp.  57  et  seq.     Rev.  Charles 
Folsom,  formerly  a  chaplain  in  the  navy  and  Farragut's  preceptor  in 
youth,  was  a  near  neighbor  of  Davis's  in  Cambridge. 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  107 

said  further  that  he  had  written  Mr.  Folsom  repeatedly,  and 
was  sorry  not  to  have  received  an  answer.  Tell  Mr.  Folsom 
he  may  well  be  proud  of  his  pupil.  He  is  one  of  the  cleverest 
men  in  the  navy,  in  both  the  English  and  American  senses  of 
the  word. 

July  1-4.  Our  navy  yard  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  excite 
ment  by  the  arrival  of  the  intelligence  of  Captain  Farragut's 
removal,  by  the  last  mail.  He  has  been  here  four  years,  and 
when  he  came  the  island  was  a  desert  of  which  no  sod  had 
been  upturned.  He  is  identified  with  all  the  buildings  and 
improvements  here.  He  is  personally  popular,  his  temper  is 
amiable,  his  sentiments  just,  his  feelings  good,  and  his  man 
ners  frank  though  brusque.  His  character  is  eminently  up 
right  and  manly.  He  has  made  some  enemies  and  a  good 
many  friends  during  his  four  years  of  command.  I  like  him. 
He  has  been  kind  and  hospitable  towards  me,  and  in  some 
respects  he  is  a  pattern  of  a  man  and  of  a  navy  officer.  I 
consider  it  a  great  piece  of  good  fortune  that  I  have  had  him 
here  during  my  refitment.  He  has  been  generous  and  agree 
able. 

July  12th.  My  stay  here  has  become  very  tiresome,  and, 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  it  is  likely  to  be  prolonged  indefinitely. 
The  desertions  have  continued.  Now  that  the  repairs  are 
drawing  to  a  close,  those  who  have  made  up  their  minds  to 
go,  take  French  leave,  partly  to  escape  the  labor  of  fitting  the 
ship  out.  The  enlistment  of  our  men  in  the  naval  service  is 
a  contract  by  which  both  parties  are  solemnly  bound.  The 
seamen  and  marines  know  this,  and  are  very  exacting  in 
requiring  of  the  government  all  that  belongs  to  themselves 
under  the  contract.  But  such  is  the  loose  way  of  regarding 
these  things  here,  that  they  lose  sight  of  their  own  obliga 
tions  entirely,  reasoning  among  themselves  somewhat  in  this 
way :  "  It  is  true  that  the  value  of  my  labor  in  New  York  or 
Philadelphia,  at  the  time  I  entered  the  service,  was  only 
eighteen  dollars  a  month,  but  here  it  is  fifty  or  seventy-five ;  I 


108  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS. 

can  get  four  hundred  dollars  for  the  voyage  home :  what  a  fool 
I  am  to  remain  here  under  such  circumstances."  The  contrast 
is  brought  home  to  them  more  forcibly  by  the  fact  of  their 
working  side  by  side  with  the  riggers  of  the  yard  who  are 
getting  five  dollars  a  day,  while  they,  employed  in  the  same 
manner,  doing  the  same  thing,  are  receiving  a  little  more  than 
half  a  dollar  only.  This  is  very  hard  upon  human  nature. 
True,  their  conscience  says  to  them,  as  honest  Launcelot 
Gobbo's  did  to  him,  "  Do  not  run ;  scorn  running  with  thy 
heels."  But  at  the  same  time  the  most  courageous  fiend  bids 
them  pack  :  "  via  !  says  the  fiend  ;  away  !  says  the  fiend,  for 
the  heavens ;  rouse  up  a  brave  mind,  says  the  fiend,  and  run." 
And  certainly  they  think  their  conscience  is  but  a  kind  of 
hard  conscience  to  offer  to  counsel  them  to  stay  where  they 
are,  as  they  think  they  are,  so  unjustly  treated.  In  Califor 
nia  the  state  of  society  is  unsettled;  the  one  object,  the 
governing  motive  of  conduct,  is  to  get  money,  and  he  that 
maketh  haste  to  be  rich  shall  not  be  innocent  This  constant 
talk  of  money,  of  gold  and  high  wages,  of  how  much  one 
earns  here  and  another  there,  produces  discontent.  If  my 
people  had  been  always  busy,  and  could  have  possibly 
remained  on  board  the  Saint  Mary's,  they  would  not  have 
left  me  in  such  numbers.  But  idleness  and  discontent  ruined 
them.  This  discovery  of  gold  in  Fraser's  river  turned  their 
heads,  and  they  have  gone  off  in  crowds,  leaving  some  six  or 
seven  thousand  dollars  due  them  on  the  purser's  books,  a  fact 
that  gives  one  an  idea  of  their  prudence,  and  of  their  likeli 
hood  to  gather  riches,  or  to  enjoy  them  when  gathered. 
Some  of  these  desertions  have  surprised  me.  The  men  were 
so  respectable  and  well-behaved  and  had  so  much  money  due 
them.  It  was  only  to  be  accounted  for  by  this  extreme 
infatuation  about  getting  gold,  and  this  reckless  life  without 
a  -conscience  or  restraint,  which  characterizes  California. 
One  of  them  has  pained  me  very  much.  This  is  Armstrong, 
my  coxswain.  He  has  been  most  faithful  and  good  from  the 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  109 

first  moment  lie  came  on  board  to  the  day  of  his  leaving,  in 
everything  but  that  act.  He  is  one  of  the  most  unexceptionally 
good  men  I  have  ever  known  in  any  station  of  life.  I  feel 
sorry  for  him  ;  his  loss,  which  is  loss  of  character,  is  greater 
than  mine.  But  such  an  instance  of  defection  is  a  painful 
experience  in  life ;  its  irresistible  effect  is  to  produce  mis 
trust.  The  result  of  all  these  desertions  is  that  my  ship  is 
unmanned  and  I  cannot  go  to  sea  without  shipping,  in  part, 
a  new  crew.  You  will  wonder  how  I  am  to  get  men  at  these 
fabulous  prices.  But  these  excessive  wages  only  last  during 
the  Fraser's  river  excitement,  and  that  is  subsiding.  The 
last  accounts  from  the  North  are  discouraging  to  the  miners 
and  speculators.  Fears  are  entertained  that  there  will  be  a 
great  deal  of  suffering  there  during  the  coming  winter,  and 
as  yet  no  gold  of  any  consequence  has  been  exported.  I  have 
the  strongest  hopes  that  in  three  or  four  weeks  I  shall  be 
able  to  ship  hands  enough  to  enable  me  to  go  to  sea.  I  have 
no  question  that  if  I  were  in  Puget  Sound  I  could  fill  my  ship 
with  men,  who  are  now  living  in  tents,  and  picking  up  a 
scanty  subsistence  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  The  trouble 
is  for  them  to  get  down  here.  They  have  not  the  means  of 
removing,  and  are  helplessly  bound  to  meet  their  fate.  This 
bad  news  from  Fraser's  river  is  good  for  me  ;  but  I  am  receiv 
ing  my  satisfaction  at  the  expense  of  several  thousand  people 
who  must  be  placed  in  a  starving  condition  in  order  that  I 
should  be  able  to  man  the  Saint  Mary's.  This  is  not  an 
exemplification  of  the  principle,  "  Live  and  let  live." 

Now  that  this  sudden  gold-hunting  furore  is  dying  away, 
and  the  Fraser's  river  mines  are  talked  of  as  a  humbug,  a 
rumor  is  in  circulation  that  this  excitement  has  been  created 
for  a  specific  purpose.  It  is  said  to  have  been  concerted 
between  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  and  the  steamship  com 
pany,  for  their  mutual  benefit.  The  charter  of  the  former 
expires  in  the  course  of  a  year ;  it  has  a  large  quantity  of 
goods  on  hand  (clothing,  etc.),  which  would  not  sell  for  their 


110  CHARLES  HEXRY  DAVIS 

freight  in  any  of  the  Pacific  markets,  and  could  only  be  dis 
posed  of  through  a  sudden  influx  of  emigrants.  The  exist 
ence  of  gold  in  Eraser's  river  has  always  been  known  to  the 
company,  which  has  been  in  the  habit  of  purchasing  it  from 
the  Indians ;  and  the  company  has  been  steadily  opposed  to 
immigration,  and  to  any  participation  in  the  benefits  of  its 
monopoly.  Finding,  however,  that  its  charter  will  not  be 
renewed,  and  wishing  to  close  the  concern  as  the  mercantile 
phrase  is,  it  resorted  to  this  means  of  creating  a  market  at 
home. 

The  steamship  company's  share  of  the  profits  of  this  specu 
lation  is  to  arise  from  the  increase  in  the  number  of  their 
passengers.  It  is  curious  to  see  how  coolly  such  a  scheme  of 
rascality  is  talked  of,  involving,  as  it  must,  a  great  amount  of 
human  suffering  in  the  loss  of  health,  of  place,  of  money ;  in 
cold,  hunger,  and  disappointment ;  in  the  loss  of  home  and 
character  under  temptation ;  and  last  but  not  least,  in  the 
wretchedness  of  those  who  are  left  behind.  I  have  no  opinion 
myself  of  the  correctness  of  this  rumor.  I  repeat  it  as  I  hear 
it.  It  seems  to  me,  however,  incredible.  I  should  think  the 
individuals  who  are  agents  of  the  two  companies  would  be 
afraid  to  do  it  —  to  engage  in  a  transaction  so  wicked,  so 
grossly  bad.  Yet,  as  my  friend  Job  says  :  "  The  wicked  live, 
become  old,  yea,  are  mighty  in  power."  And  I  have  heard 
of  something  since  my  arrival  here,  coming  from  quite  an 
authentic  source,  equally  villainous.  You  will  recall  what  I 
told  you  when  I  was  in  San  Juan  del  Sur  concerning  the 
seizure  of  the  lake  steamers  by  the  hero,  statesman,  and  sage, 
General  Walker,  and  their  subsequent  pretended  sale  to  per 
sons  who,  you  must  recollect  in  order  to  fully  appreciate  the 
moral  beauty  of  the  affair,  were  at  that  time  the  agents  in 
San  Francisco  of  the  owner  of  these  steamers.  A  friend  here 
informs  me  that  the  whole  proceedings,  including  the  drawing 
up  of  the  legal  papers,  were  prepared  and  planned  in  San 
Francisco  long  beforehand,  and  that  the  correspondence 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  111 

immediately  preceding  the  seizure  was  a  mere  pretext  for  put 
ting  the  project  in  execution.  In  this  instance  we  have  the 
example  cited  by  my  friend  Zophar  the  Naamathite  :  "  That 
which  he  labored  for  shall  he  restore,  and  shall  not  swallow 
it  down  :  according  to  his  substance  shall  the  restitution  be, 
and  he  shall  not  rejoice  therein." 

July  30th.  If  you  wish  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  men 
you  must  be  as  rigid  in  your  induction  from  the  facts  of 
observation  here,  as  in  any  branch  of  knowledge  relating  to 
inanimate  things.  Your  tenderness  and  kindness  of  heart 
interfere  with  your  observations,  in  fact,  become  mixed  up 
with  them,  and  injure  their  value.  Now  this  is  not  unchari 
table.  I  may  not  be  a  whit  less  charitable  to  a  man,  in  my 
conduct,  because  I  believe  that  his  faults  of  temper  and  judg 
ment  render  him  a  mischief-breeder.  "  Charity  is  not  a  fool," 
as  Dr.  Walker  once  said  to  me.  The  apostles  were  enjoined 
to  be  not  only  harmless  but  wise. 

August  9th.  The  time  is  fast  drawing  on  when  I  am  to 
leave  this  ship  (the  Independence)  and  go  back  to  my  dear 
Saint  Mary 's.  How  little  did  I  dream  when  I  left  home  that 
I  should  live  nearly  half  a  year  on  board  the  Independence, 
renewing,  in  a  measure,  the  life  of  twenty  years  ago,  occupy 
ing  the  same  room  good  old  Tom  Breese  lived  in,  and  study 
ing  the  past  by  the  light  of  the  present.  It  is  a  very  different 
thing  from  living  twenty  years  in  the  same  place.  It  is  the 
fact  of  my  return,  after  an  absence  of  twenty  years,  to  so 
unusual  a  home,  whence  arises  the  peculiar  interest.  I  can 
not  expect  it  to  strike  you  as  forcibly  as  it  does  me.  But  the 
truth  is,  all  of  my  life  that  is  life,  or  at  least  most  of  it,  is 
comprised  in  that  twenty  years.  How  much  would  I  like  to 
live  over  some  parts  of  the  time.  The  cares  and  trials,  what 
ever  they  were,  are  not  prominent ;  but  there  are  some  sea 
sons  of  happiness,  crowded  with  enjoyment  and  filled  full  of 
thought  and  action,  that  seem  to  me  now  in  the  retrospect 
very  rich.  .  .  .  My  life  in  this  ship  has  been  too  quiet  for 


112  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

one  of  my  active  habits  of  mind  and  body.  And  though  I 
have  enjoyed  excellent  health,  I  feel  a  little  the  effects  of  the 
stagnation.  One  of  the  worst  consequences  of  inaction  is  an 
unwillingness  to  move  ;  a  dull,  heavy,  lazy  state  of  acqui 
escence  in  things  as  they  are.  I  have  been  so  situated  that  I 
could  neither  hasten  or  retard  the  very  work  in  which  I  was 
most  interested.  I  shall  be  glad  to  get  back  my  control ;  but 
I  will  wind  up  this  grumbling. 

San  Francisco,  August  15th.  I  arrived  and  anchored  on 
the  morning  of  the  13th,  and  have  been  very  busy  since  then 
in  making  arrangements  for  shipping  a  crew.  I  am  satisfied 
that  there  will  be  less  difficulty  in  procuring  men  than  in 
rejecting  them ;  there  are  a  great  many  persons  here  of  all 
sorts  who  are  without  the  means  of  living — among  them 
quite  a  number  of  seamen.  I  went  round  to  the  shipping 
offices  yesterday,  and  a  crowd  gathered  round  me  wherever  I 
stopped ;  so  eager  were  some  of  them  to  get  a  home,  and  a 
dinner  without  begging  for  it,  that  they  offered  to  enter  on 
the  spot,  and  fifteen  men  signed  the  articles  yesterday.  To 
morrow  I  begin  in  earnest,  open  an  office  at  the  "  Sailors' 
Home,"  and  receive  at  the  same  time  on  board.  It  would 
not  surprise  me  if  the  complement  of  the  ship  were  filled  in 
one  or  two  days.  This  is  good,  for  you  have  no  idea  how 
melancholy  it  has  made  me  feel,  thinking  of  the  Saint 
Mary's  unmanned  and  inefficient.  As  a  captain,  it  is  to  me 
a  mortification  and  a  pain  to  have  the  outward  semblance  of 
a  man-of-war  without  the  life  within  that  gives  it  power  and 
reality.  When  the  crew  is  complete  and  the  new  men 
thoroughly  trained  in  their  exercises,  I  shall  once  more  walk 
my  quarter-deck  with  the  satisfaction  of  being  able  to  do  all 
that  can  be  reasonably  expected  of  us. 

The  Saint  Mary's  sailed  on  August  26th,  and  for 
the  short  remainder  of  the  cruise  was  kept  on  the  coast 


THE  SAINT  MARY'S  113 

of  Central  America.  Davis  was  relieved  of  the  com 
mand  in  February,  1859,  at  Panama,  and  returned  to 
Cambridge  and  resumed  his  post  at  the  head  of  the 
"  Nautical  Almanac."  During  the  cruise  of  the  Saint 
Mary's  Davis  prepared  a  treatise  on  naval  architecture, 
which,  however,  he  never  published ;  and  he  translated 
Kerhallet's  "  General  Examination  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,"  adding  notes  of  his  own.  This  book  is  still 
the  standard  authority  for  the  navigation  of  the  Pacific. 
During  his  absence  from  home  his  translation  of  Gauss's 
"  Theoria  Motus  Corporum  Ccelestium  "  had  appeared 
and  been  well  received,  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
giving  to  the  mathematical  world  the  first  English  ver 
sion  of  the  method  of  least  squares. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   NAVY   DEPARTMENT   IN   1861 

WHEN  Davis  returned  from  his  cruise  in  the  Pacific, 
he  settled  down  again  to  the  old  life  in  Cambridge. 
His  place  at  the  head  of  the  Almanac  had  been  tem 
porarily  filled  during  his  absence  by  Professor  Joseph 
Winlock,  and  he  now  resumed  it,  and,  as  far  as  possi 
ble,  the  old  mode  of  life  and  its  interests.  Through 
the  increasing  political  excitement  of  the  times,  he 
worked  steadily  at  the  Almanac,  and  at  the  labors 
entailed  by  his  membership  of  several  harbor  commis 
sions,  particularly  that  of  Boston.  There  were  also,  as 
before,  occasional  journeys  to  Washington  on  "  Nauti 
cal  Almanac "  business,  and  for  consultation  with 
Bache  and  the  other  members  of  harbor  commissions. 
In  this  way  the  two  years  from  the  spring  of  1859  to 
the  spring  of  1861  were  passed.  He  was  in  Washing 
ton  in  March  of  the  latter  year,  on  duties  connected 
with  Boston  harbor  and  the  projected  Cape  Cod  Canal, 
and  he  draws  the  following  picture  of  the  early  days 
of  the  first  Republican  administration  :  — 

March  9th.  Yesterday  morning,  Friday,  I  set  off  early  for 
the  department,  in  and  about  which  I  passed  the  day.  I 
found  that  the  officers  of  the  navy  were  to  be  formally  re 
ceived  by  the  Secretary  and  President,  and  being  in  uniform 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  115 

(though  the  others  were  in  full  dress),  I  fell  in  and  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln.  In  the 
former  I  was  agreeably  disappointed.  His  likenesses,  such 
as  are  seen  in  prints,  etc.,  give  no  idea  of  his  appearance, 
—  I  might  almost  say,  none  whatever.  His  countenance  is 
far  from  ugly,  and  its  expression  is  decidedly  attractive. 
The  play  of  features  and  the  easy  smile  are  more  engaging 
than  the  pictures  make  him.  He  is  awkward  in  his  figure 
and  manners,  but  his  awkwardness  is  not  gaucherie.  It  is 
by  no  means  vulgar.  The  impression  he  makes  is  altogether 
favorable.  .  .  .  The  absorbing  topic  of  conversation  here  is 
the  state  of  the  country.  .  .  .  But  the  greatest  gloom  and 
anxiety  prevail  among  those  whom  I  have  seen.  I  cannot 
conceive  how  it  should  be  otherwise,  when  our  fate  is  taken 
out  of  our  own  hands  and  is  dependent  on  the  voices  and 
opinions  of  one  or  two  persons.  It  is  thought  and  feared 
that  the  crisis  will  come  upon  the  demand  of  the  South  Car 
olina  commissioners  for  Fort  Sumter.  If  the  demand  should 
be  peremptorily  refused,  the  attack  will  be  made  from  the 
batteries  on  Morris  Island  and  the  mainland,  and  from  the 
forts  Moultrie  and  Pinckney.  This  seems  to  be  the  point  of 
final  rupture. 

Up  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  the  ordinary 
business  of  the  Navy  Department  had  been  conducted 
by  the  Secretary  and  his  clerks  and  by  the  chiefs  of  the 
several  bureaus,  without  the  direct  assistance  of  the 
officers  of  the  navy.  The  business  was  simple  in  its 
nature,  and  was  not  complicated  by  any  elaborate  forms 
of  correspondence  or  accounts.  Details  of  naval  offi 
cers  to  duty  were  managed  in  the  Secretary's  office, 
generally  under  the  supervision  of  the  chief  clerk  and 
by  the  personal  direction  of  the  Secretary  himself. 
The  war  brought  such  an  increase  of  labor  in  the 


116  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

administrative  branch  of  the  service  that  the  ordi 
nary  methods  were  quite  inadequate  to  its  proper  ex 
ecution.  There  was  not  only  the  rapid  increase  of 
the  fleet,  and  the  appointment  of  a  large  number  of 
volunteer  officers,  but  the  defection  of  the  Southern 
officers,  and  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  loyalty  and  trust 
worthiness  of  some  who  remained  in  the  service,  made 
it  absolutely  imperative  to  have  not  only  an  increase 
in  the  administrative  force,  but  an  intelligent  and  well- 
informed  class  of  assistants  who  should  be  cognizant 
of  the  needs  of  the  service  in  a  sudden  emergency, 
and  qualified  by  personal  acquaintance  with  officers  to 
deal  with  a  condition  of  affairs  in  which  doubt  and 
uncertainty  prevailed.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
Secretary  turned  naturally  and  inevitably  to  naval  offi 
cers,  and  to  naval  officers  of  known  character  and 
standing.  Davis  was  summoned  to  Washington  "  for 
duty  connected  with  the  discipline  and  efficiency  of  the 
naval  service,"  and  he  remained  on  duty  at  the  depart 
ment  through  the  whole  of  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1861. 

In  order  to  deal  intelligently  with  the  questions  re 
lating  to  the  personnel  of  the  service,  a  new  bureau 
was  created,  the  Bureau  of  Detail,  established  at  first 
only  by  departmental  order,  and  not  sanctioned  by  law 
until  two  years  later.  Commodore  Hiram  Paulding 
was  the  head  of  this  bureau,  and  Davis  was  assigned  to 
it,  his  associate  being  Commander  Maxwell  Woodhull. 
The  bureau  was  charged  with  the  general  business  of 
the  detail  and  assignment  of  officers,  the  appointment 
and  instruction  of  volunteer  officers,  and  the  purchase 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  117 

of  ships,  with  other  matters  related  more  or  less  directly 
to  these  principal  heads.  The  work  of  this  bureau 
was  extremely  confining,  and  Davis  was  really  the  ex 
ecutive  head  of  it ;  for  Commodore  Paulding  was  now 
well  advanced  in  age,  and  exercised  the  functions  of  a 
director  rather  than  those  of  an  active  chief.  Besides 
the  work  of  this  bureau,  Davis  had  also  the  secretary 
ship  of  a  confidential  board,  consisting  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  several  bureaus,  charged  with  the  duty  of  "  con 
sidering  and  acting  upon  such  subjects  connected  with 
the  naval  service  as  may  be  submitted  to  [them]  by  the 
department  for  their  opinion  at  this  important  juncture 
of  our  national  affairs ;  "  and  the  board  was  also  di 
rected  to  "  make  such  suggestions  regarding  the  naval 
service  generally  as  may  occur  to  the  board."  This 
was  virtually  a  board  of  admiralty,  although  its  pro 
ceedings  did  not  have  the  stamp  of  authority,  and  its 
very  existence  was  strictly  confidential  and  was  sup 
posed  to  be  kept  secret.  Davis  seldom  alludes  to  this 
board  in  his  letters.  In  addition  to  his  duties  in  the 
department,  he  retained  the  directorship  of  the  "  Nau 
tical  Almanac,"  whose  affairs  he  controlled  by  corre 
spondence  ;  and  he  also  remained  a  member  of  several 
harbor  commissions.  Besides  these  multifarious  duties, 
he  became  secretary  and  member  of  a  commission  of  con 
ference  on  proposed  naval  and  military  operations  on 
the  Southern  coasts  and  the  conduct  of  the  blockade. 
Something  of  the  inner  history  of  this  commission  will 
appear  in  the  letters  which  follow.  Almost  immediately 
on  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  it  was  proposed  to 
discontinue  the  coast  survey,  and,  as  at  least  one  half 


118  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

of  its  field  of  operations  was  rendered  inaccessible  by 
the  war,  it  would  at  first  sight  appear  that  the  propo 
sition  to  discontinue,  or  rather  to  suspend,  the  opera 
tions  of  the  survey,  was  not  altogether  an  unreasonable 
one.  But  the  cleverness  of  the  superintendent  turned 
the  war  to  actual  account,  and  made  it  not  only  not  a 
hindrance,  but  a  positive  benefit  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
survey.  Bache  was  a  man  fully  capable  of  a  move  of 
this  kind,  and,  where  a  less  active  and  enterprising 
chief  would  have  passively  acquiesced  in  what  seemed 
to  be  the  inevitable,  the  situation  simply  stimulated 
Bache  to  the  exertion  of  his  great  natural  talents  for 
management  and  persuasion.  Davis  had  been  so  inti 
mately  associated  with  Bache,  and  his  position  at  the 
department  was  so  important,  that  Bache  turned  natu 
rally  to  him  for  assistance.  The  result  of  the  combi 
nation  was  that  the  coast  survey  gave  almost  inesti 
mable  service  to  the  government  during  the  war,  both 
on  land  and  at  sea,  and  came  out  at  the  end  of  the  war 
stronger  and  more  secure  in  its  position  than  it  had 
ever  been  before.  The  first  move  of  Bache's  appears 
in  the  establishment  of  the  conference,  of  which  he 
and  Davis  were  members,  his  own  functions  being  to 
furnish  the  topographical  and  hydrographical  informa 
tion  necessary  to  the  formation  of  plans  of  operation. 
Du  Pont  was  the  senior  member  of  the  conference,  and 
Major  J.  G.  Barnard,  of  the  engineers,  was  the  fourth 
member.  Davis  was  junior  member  and  secretary. 

It  would  reach  quite  beyond  the  scope  of  this  memoir 
to  discuss  at  length  the  proceedipgs  of  this  conference 
and  its  plans  and  recommendations.  Admiral  Porter 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  119 

said  of  it  that  the  results  of  its  labors,  when  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  were  of  great 
service  in  enabling  the  department  to  take  prompt  and 
proper  measures  for  the  capture  of  the  ports  along  the 
Southern  coast.  Its  plans  were  very  comprehensive, 
embracing  the  whole  of  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coasts, 
including  the  Mississippi  River,  and  they  contemplated 
not  only  such  operations  as  were  necessary  to  make  the 
blockade  effective,  but  likewise  operations  of  a  purely 
military  character.  Hatteras  Inlet  was  the  first  fruit 
of  its  labors,  the  object  being  to  capture  and  hold  the 
inlets  into  the  sounds  of  North  Carolina,  and  cut  off 
inland  water  communication  with  Norfolk  and  Rich 
mond.  Port  Royal  followed ;  and  speaking  of  the 
results  of  that  victory,  Admiral  Porter  said  it  afforded 
"  an  opportunity  of  throwing  into  the  heart  of  the 
South  a  great  army,  had  we  of  the  North  been  wise 
enough  to  force  the  fighting  in  a  quarter  where  it 
would  have  eventually  brought  matters  to  a  speedy  con 
clusion." 

Although  not  explicitly  so  stated  in  its  memoirs, 
something  of  this  kind  was  undoubtedly  contemplated 
by  the  commission.  But  unfortunately  the  great  ar 
mies  of  the  North  were  necessarily  otherwise  engaged. 
To  capture  a  port  and  hold  it  as  a  base  for  the  block 
ade,  maintaining  a  sufficient  garrison  to  act  as  a  menace 
to  the  surrounding  country,  was  as  far  as  the  North 
could  go  at  this  stage  of  the  war.  The  invasion  of  the 
Carolinas,  with  the  Savannah  River  as  a  base,  could 
only  be  effected  after  four  years  of  fighting,  and  after 
the  dismemberment  and  isolation  of  the  Confederacy 


120  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

by  the  complete  conquest  of  the  Mississippi,  and  by  the 
rigor  of  the  blockade  and  the  capture  of  the  principal 
ports  of  entry  for  blockade  runners.  In  1861  the 
popular  cry  was,  "  On  to  Kichmond  !  "  But,  even  if 
popular  clamor  could  have  been  disregarded,  no  force 
sufficient  for  an  invasion  of  the  South  could  have  been 
withdrawn  from  the  lines  of  the  Potomac  and  the  West. 
The  North  was  not  always  in  a  position  to  force  the 
fighting,  but  on  the  contrary  its  most  strenuous  efforts 
in  1861  were  directed  toward  covering  the  capital.  The 
recommendations  of  the  commission,  as  far  as  they 
related  to  naval  operations  along  the  coast,  were  mostly 
carried  out,  though  not  always  in  the  order  of  sequence 
laid  down ;  its  reports  furnished  valuable  information 
to  the  commanders  of  blockading  squadrons ;  and  the 
principle  of  its  recommendations,  namely,  a  close  block 
ade,  with  the  successive  capture  of  the  enemy's  ports, 
formed  the  policy  of  the  department. 

At  no  time  during  his  service  in  the  Navy  Department 
did  Davis  regard  his  position  there  as  anything  more 
than  temporary.  He  had  no  taste  for  the  routine  work 
which  he  was  set  to  do,  and  the  labors  of  the  Bureau  of 
Detail  were  particularly  irksome  to  him ;  but  although  he 
disliked  them,  he  performed  them  none  the  less  heartily 
and  zealously,  and  he  was  probably  one  of  the  very 
best  men  that  could  have  been  selected  for  the  work  of 
detail  and  assignment  at  this  time.  He  was  almost  uni 
versally  admired  and  respected  in  the  service,  had  very 
few  personal  enemies,  and  his  long  connection  with 
duties  lying  outside  the  narrow  scope  of  strictly  profes 
sional  work  raised  him  above  the  suspicion  of  sordid  or 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  121 

personal  motives  in  the  performance  of  a  duty  which  is 
always  attended  with  difficulties  of  this  nature.  More 
over,  he  was  an  excellent  judge  of  character,  and  the 
service  had  confidence  in  his  judgment.  Still,  he 
pined  for  active  service,  but  he  well  knew  that  his  turn 
would  come. 

The  extracts  from  his  letters  which  follow  have  been 
selected  as  bearing  directly  on  the  work  of  the  depart 
ment  and  the  conference ;  and  they  throw  a  side  light 
on  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Washington,  while  they 
bring  out  in  stronger  colors  the  character  of  the  writer. 
The  letters  are  ah1  addressed  to  Mrs.  Davis. 

May  19th.  The  week  I  have  passed  in  the  Bureau  of  Detail 
has  more  than  satisfied  me.  I  don't  like  the  duty,  and  am 
not  particularly  suited  for  it ;  not  half  so  well,  for  example, 
as  Captain  Emmons,  whom  I  find  there,  and  whom  I  am 
expected  to  relieve.  He  seems  to  get  along  weU  with  Com 
modore  Paulding,  and  it  will  be  a  great  mistake  to  remove 
him.  The  business  of  his  life  has  been,  and  is,  to  preserve 
and  record  the  past  and  current  history  of  the  navy,  and  his 
register  is  the  only  one  by  which  it  can  be  ascertained,  at  this 
moment,  where  every  officer  of  the  navy  is,  and  who  has 
resigned. 

May  22d.  When  I  left  Bache's  on  Monday,  it  was  agreed 
that  I  should  dine  there,  if  possible,  and  drink  tea  there,  if 
not  impossible,  every  Tuesday.  I  was  there  last  night  and 
had  a  pleasant  evening.  I  found  that  Bache  has  a  plan  of 
his  own  to  carry  out,  which  involves  my  remaining  here,  and 
some  other  changes  of  another  kind.  He  wishes  to  establish 
a  military  commission,  or  advisory  council,  to  determine  mili 
tary  proceedings  and  operations  along  the  coast.  The  coast 
survey  is  to  furnish  the  requisite  information  of  the  hydro- 
graphical  and  topographical  nature.  I  am  to  be  junior  mem- 


122  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ber  and  secretary  of  this  board.  Du  Pont  is  to  take  Commo 
dore  Paulding's  place  at  the  head  of  this  bureau.  General 
Totten  is  to  be  the  military  member  of  the  commission.  I 
have  only  arrived  at  a  full  understanding  of  this  plan  this 
morning.  Fox,  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Navy  Department,  has 
already  been  brought  into  the  scheme  of  the  commission  — 
how  much  further  he  had  gone,  or  been  advised,  in  respect  to 
Bache's  plans,  I  do  not  exactly  know.  In  the  meantime  I 
must  wait.  Philosophy  and  patience  must  be  my  resort. 
And  when  I  consider  the  present  state  of  public  affairs,  and 
reflect  upon  the  hopes  I  have  cherished,  the  plans  projected, 
the  apprehensions  felt,  the  anxieties  suffered,  all  of  which 
have  been  rudely  swept  away  and  annihilated  by  the  recent 
political  convulsions  of  the  country,  —  canceled  and  reduced 
to  the  merest  insignificance,  —  I  am  admonished  to  be  patient ; 
to  be  ready  but  not  too  calculating  or  anxious  ;  to  wait  and 
trust. 

May  30th.  I  could  not  now  leave  this  place.  Paulding 
begins  to  depend  on  me.  There  was  disorder  and  confusion 
when  I  came  into  the  office,  which  are  now  somewhat  removed. 
A  confidential  advisory  board  in  the  department  has  been 
appointed,  of  which  I  am  secretary  (this  between  ourselves), 
and  finally,  there  is  the  commission  of  Bache.  The  position 
is  very  disagreeable  to  me,  but  I  am  here  and  must  stay. 

June  1st.  I  am  perfectly  enthralled  here,  and  have  stuck 
my  fingers  into  so  many  pies ;  have  heated  so  many  irons, 
that  I  have  made  myself  a  prisoner.  The  commodore  leaves 
to  me  the  execution  of  the  current  duties  of  the  office :  (1)  I 
retain  the  direction  of  the  "  Nautical  Almanac  "  ;  (2)  I  am 
secretary  (as  I  told  you  before)  of  a  confidential  advisory 
board  ;  (3)  I  shall  be  secretary  of  Bache's  commission ;  (4) 
and  Fox,  the  chief  clerk,  has  begun  to  ask  me  to  help  him 
occasionally  in  the  business  of  the  department,  correspond 
ence  for  example  ;  (5)  I  like  to  be  useful ;  but  this  threat 
ens  to  confine  me  too  much. 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  123 

June  4th.  I  set  out  to  go  to  the  Smithsonian  last  night, 
but  it  threatened  rain  and  looked  so  black  with  clouds  and 
bright  with  lightning  that  I  went  home.  To-day  I  shall  go 
and  dine  with  Bache,  to  see  the  last  of  Ben l  who  goes  to-mor 
row.  You  must  not  think  from  what  I  have  written  that 
because  I  am  dissatisfied  I  am  unhappy.  I  am  afraid  I  have 
given  you  the  idea  that  I  regret  having  offered  my  services  to 
Commodore  Paulding.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  much  better 
contented  to  be  here,  in  the  centre  of  action  and  of  motion, 
than  I  could  possibly  be  in  Cambridge,  ignorant  of,  and  tak 
ing  no  part  in,  the  great  business  of  the  time.  Besides,  I 
fully  realize,  or  if  not  fully  at  least  in  a  great  measure,  my 
expectation  that  here  at  Washington,  in  the  Navy  Depart 
ment,  I  know  what  is  going  on,  and  have  it  somewhat  in  my 
power  to  choose,  when  I  leave  here,  where  I  go.  There  is  a 
great  deal  in  this. 

June  7th.  Commodore  Paulding  left  here  this  morning 
for  home,  and  is  to  be  absent  ten  days  probably ;  in  the  mean 
time  I  am  to  get  along  as  well  as  I  can.  The  business  of 
this  bureau,  you  are  aware,  is  to  assign  their  respective  duties 
and  places  to  officers  of  all  grades,  except  the  medical  corps. 
Now,  as  there  are  many  rea-sons  for  preferring  one  duty,  sta 
tion,  or  ship  to  another,  and  as  it  is  impossible  to  know  much 
of  the  individual  preferences,  or  to  make  anything  approach 
ing  to  an  accurate  estimate  of  the  nice  distinctions  of  service 
and  the  claims  founded  on  it,  we  are  frequently  giving  offense, 
or  doing  favors  or  performing  some  act  of  signal  injustice  or 
justice,  without  being  at  all  aware  of  it.  But  Commodore 
Paulding  is  peculiarly  fitted  for  this  place.  He  is  frank, 
cordial,  and  very  gentlemanly  in  his  manners,  generous  in  his 
nature,  very  just,  and  particularly  distinguished  by  a  scrupu 
lous  regard  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others.  He  is,  of 
course,  very  popular,  and  his  popularity  is  of  the  steady  sort 
that  does  not  wax  or  wane  with  circumstances.  But  I,  who 

1  Professor  Peirce. 


124  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

have  little  claim  to  the  qualifications  that  so  admirably  suit 
him  for  the  place,  should  be  very  sorry  to  stay  here  without 
him ;  and  my  mind  is  very  much  exercised  in  thinking  what 
I  shall  do  when  he  goes. 

June  14th.  Bache  is  wonderful  in  his  way.  The  general 
expectation  has  been  that  the  coast  survey,  being  deprived 
of  a  large  part  of  its  field  of  usefulness,  would  decline  in 
power  and  be  reduced  in  occupation.  Some  of  those  kind- 
hearted  people,  whose  happiness  is  impaired  by  too  much  suc 
cess  and  prosperity  on  the  part  of  their  neighbors,  have 
remarked  to  Mr.  Bache  in  a  tone  of  condolence,  but  with  a 
smile  of  satisfaction,  that  they  supposed  the  coast  survey 
would  be  stopped  now.  But,  in  fact,  it  has  never  been  so 
distinguished  and  important  as  now.  Bache's  ingenuity  has 
been  exercised  in  discovering  methods  of  making  the  coast 
survey  cooperative  in  the  great  movement  of  the  day.  The 
new  commission  I  have  already  spoken  of;  in  addition  to 
this,  he  has  made  special  surveys,  made  and  distributed  maps 
of  the  seat  of  war,  and,  above  all,  he  has  managed  so  as  to 
have  calls  made  on  his  office  for  reconnoissances ;  and  he  is 
now,  by  means  of  his  assistants,  actually  performing  the  duty 
of  a  topographical  corps  to  this  division  of  the  army,  for 
which  service  he  has  received  the  thanks  and  compliments  of 
the  President,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  general-in-chief . 
And  his  assistants  will  accompany  the  army  in  its  advance, 
and  form  the  active  members  of  the  topographical  staff.  He 
certainly  possesses  a  very  remarkable  talent  for  this  kind  of 
government. 

June  25th.  Since  I  began  this  letter  Du  Pont  has  come 
in,  and  finally  the  board  of  conference  has  been  arranged, 
—  Du  Pont,  Bache,  Major  Barnard  of  the  Engineers,  and 
myself  as  secretary. 

June  26th.  Yesterday  being  Tuesday,  I  dined  with  Bache. 
Du  Pont  was  there,  and  the  dinner  was  remarkably  pleasant, 
and  the  chat  very  chatty  and  entertaining.  I  could  not  refrain 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  125 

from  telling  Captain  Du  Pont  something  of  the  management 
by  which  the  board  of  conference  was  created  :  he  was  very 
much  amused,  and  understood  the  whole  thing  at  once.  He 
is  quite  pleased  at  being  ordered  on  this  service,  which  is 
secret,  important,  and  complex.  He  likes,  too,  being  in 
Washington  during  the  coming  session  of  Congress.  Du 
Pont,  you  know,  is  a  man  of  society  and  a  greater  favorite 
than  ever. 

June  30th.  The  meeting  of  the  conference  yesterday  was 
an  interesting  one,  and  it  is  probable  that  we  shall  be  able  to 
make  ourselves  useful,  even  very  useful.  I  cannot  put  on 
paper  the  subjects  on  which  we  deliberate,  for  fear  of  the 
accidental  miscarriage  of  my  letters,  or  of  their  being  exam 
ined.  It  is  a  curious  and  rather  uncomfortable  state  of  things 
here,  that  we  know  (or  most  strongly  suspect)  that  we  have 
among  us  spies  who  communicate  freely  with  the  other  party. 
Do  you  remember  that  the  secretary  of  that  born  son  of  hell 
and  darkness,  Philip  II.,  was  the  spy  of  Motley's  hero,  Wil 
liam  ?  A  spy  with  us,  however,  has  no  reason  to  fear  so  cruel 
a  fate  as  that  of  Philip's  secretary,  if  found  out.  .  .  .  The 
enemy  is  welcome  to  know  the  truth  of  us.  Our  purpose  is 
earnest,  and  our  means  of  fulfilling  that  purpose  daily  in 
crease.  Truth  is  our  defense,  as  falsehood  is  the  trust  of  the 
other  party.  ...  I  am,  just  at  this  moment,  very  much  occu 
pied,  and,  I  believe,  rather  important.  All  the  irons  are  in 
the  fire,  and  I  have  to  be  ready  to  strike  each  one  as  it  be 
comes  hot. 

The  return  of  the  commodore  to  the  bureau  is  very  agree 
able  and  welcome.  We  get  along  very  well  together,  and 
now  that  Du  Pont  is  here  it  seems  a  sort  of  family  concern. 
The  commodore  said  yesterday  to  Du  Pont,  "  Is  n't  it  pleasant 
to  have  Charles  Davis  here  !  "  You  remember  how  restless 
I  was  at  home  after  the  war  broke  out.  Now  I  am  satisfied 
in  so  far  as  that  I  am  well  employed. 

July  16th.     Your  long  letter,  received  this  morning,  was 


126  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

most  welcome  to  me.  I  see  by  the  slip  you  inclose  that  the 
business  of  our  conference  (as  we  call  it)  is  known,  though 
we  endeavored  to  keep  it  secret.  It  keeps  me  very  busy.  I 
am  told  to-day  that  our  plans  of  operation  give  great  satisfac 
tion.  I  hope  this  is  true,  for  that  reward  will  sweeten  the 
labor.  This  association  has  gone  far  to  revive  my  pleasant 
old  companionship  with  Du  Pont.  .  .  .  Farragut,  the  com 
mandant  of  the  navy  yard  at  Mare  Island,  was  here  this  morn 
ing.  I  was  glad  to  see  him. 

July  18th.  A  rather  alarming  attack  has  been  made  on 
the  coast  survey,  and  I  am  called  to  the  rescue.  This  is 
heaping  Pelion  upon  Ossa.  I  was  at  the  Capitol  yesterday 
on  this  business,  and  have  to  go  again  to-day.  I  dine  with 
Bache. 

July  19th.  As  you  know  from  the  public  prints  what  the 
object  of  our  commission  is,  or  rather  what  its  objects  are, 
I  may  indulge  myself  in  the  gratification  of  telling  you  that 
our  reports,  or  memoirs  (drawn  up  by  myself),  have  created 
great  interest  and  attention  {furore  Du  Pont  calls  it),  and 
our  plans  have  been  adopted.  It  is  satisfactory  to  find  that 
our  labor  has  been  appreciated  by  the  Cabinet.  Du  Pont  runs 
off  again  to-day,  to  go  home  Saturday  and  Sunday.  I  envy 
him  his  happiness.  Bache,  who  was  in  the  office  to-day  on 
business  of  the  commission,  says  that  I  must  be  ready  to  go  to 
Boston  with  him  next  month ;  and  I  mean  to  arrange  it  if 
possible.  This  is  what  I  have  kept  my  eyes  upon  all  the 
time.  The  Boston  harbor  commission  is  my  grand  refuge. 
The  Boston  flats  will  provide  a  natural  way  for  my  turning 
a  sharp  corner  away  from  the  bureau.  I  dined  yesterday 
with  Bache  (instead  of  Tuesday),  in  company  with  Du  Pont, 
Fox,  and  Professor  Frazer,  of  Philadelphia ;  a  pleasant  din 
ner.  In  the  evening,  work. 

July  21st.  I  must  tell  you  again,  to  prepare  you  for  it, 
that  a  single  week's  leave  of  absence  from  the  office  is  the 
most  that  I  can  promise  myself.  In  these  stirring  times  it 


THE   NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  127 

does  not  do  to  be  absent  from  one's  post  of  duty.  This  is  a 
settled  principle.  I  should,  if  the  opportunity  were  favora 
ble,  ask  for  some  duty,  or,  as  I  have  suggested  before,  fasten 
on  the  Boston  harbor  commission  as  an  excuse  for  leaving 
my  station.  And  I  must  say  to  you  that,  dearly  as  I  would 
love  to  be  at  home  with  you  and  the  children,  I  would  not  ask 
such  an  indulgence,  nor  accept  it  if  offered.  It  is  a  most 
grateful  thing  to  me  to  have  the  opportunity  of  being  as 
useful  as  I  am  at  this  moment,  and  I  would  not  lose  it  for 
the  world.  There  are  several  respects  in  which  my  previous 
occupations  have  qualified  me  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  times. 
One  is  my  habit  of  writing,  another  is  my  French.  Now,  if 
I  stay  away  too  long  some  one  must  take  my  place.  I  shall 
teach  people  to  do  without  me.  "  To  be  done  "  (working), 
as  my  friend  William  says,  —  I  quote  from  memory,  —  "  is  to 
hang  quite  out  of  mind,  like  a  rusty  suit  of  armor,  in  mon 
umental  mockery." 

July  27th.  Sunday  does  not  bring  rest,  and  some  of  the 
time  I  meant  to  devote  to  you  I  have  been  obliged  to  bestow 
on  business.  You  know,  without  my  telling  you,  that  I  am 
member  and  secretary  of  a  mixed  commission  on  the  blockade. 
We  have  sent  in  three  papers,  and  I  have  a  fourth  done  and 
nearly  copied.  As  I  have  the  drawing  up  of  these  papers, 
and  the  arrangement  and  presentation  of  the  information  and 
ideas  collected  and  suggested  in  the  conference,  I  thought  it 
would  please  you  to  be  told  that  Mr.  Seward  especially,  and 
the  Cabinet  generally,  were  pleased  with  them.  The  govern 
ment  (how  wonderfully,  wonderfully  tardy  and  dilatory  it  is 
in  its  motions  !)  has  finally  determined  to  act  upon  our  plans, 
and  this  morning  two  of  the  papers  were  read  to  General 
Scott,  in  a  council  of  officers  of  which  Du  Pont  was  one,  and 
he  has  just  been  in  to  tell  me  that  the  general  pronounced 
them  to  possess  high  ability,  and  said  he  indorsed  every  word 
of  them.  This  I  tell  you,  because  you  will  be  more  recon 
ciled  to  my  absence  from  home,  knowing  that  I  am  doing 


128  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

service  to  the  country  at  this  critical  period  of  her  history. 
.  .  .  You  will  be  glad  to  hear  that,  if  the  promotions  are 
made  in  compliance  with  the  nominations  before  Congress 
(as  they  probably  will  be),  I  shall  be  only  the  second  on  the 
list  of  commanders.  And  if  the  retiring  bill  passes,  two 
vacancies  will  soon  be  made,  and  made  without  injuring, 
on  the  contrary  by  benefiting,  the  retiring  officers.  This 
retiring  bill,  if  it  passes,  I  shall  have  a  special  right  to 
profit  by,  for  Mr.  Grimes,  the  senator  who  introduced  it, 
came  to  me  for  the  details  and  provisions  of  the  bill. 

August  7th.  About  my  intentions  next  autumn  and  win 
ter,  on  this  subject  there  is  much  to  be  said.  In  times  like 
these,  an  officer  can  have  but  one  desire  and  one  principle 
of  conduct,  the  desire  to  go  where  he  can  be  most  useful,  and, 
whatever  his  station,  the  principle  of  doing  his  duty  to  the 
utmost  of  his  ability.  Nil  reputans  actum,  si  quid  superes- 
set  agendum.  It  would  be  affectation  in  me  to  deny  that  I 
have  managed  to  make  myself  useful  in  this  office.  During 
the  few  days  of  Fox's  absence,  the  Secretary  has  referred  to 
me  several  matters  of  importance ;  and  Fox,  now  assistant 
secretary,  often  puts  in  my  hands  certain  portions  of  his 
voluminous  correspondence  that  relate  to  my  specialties. 
Then  on  the  boards,  too,  and  this  bureau,  which  is  gradually 
expanding  under  my  control,  and  owes  to  my  efforts  a  large 
part  of  its  present  (unfinished)  status.  This  office  is  not  yet 
a  permanent  one,  is  not  established  by  law,  and  may  not, 
therefore,  be  continued. 

August  12th.  Mr.  Fox  and  Commodore  Paulding  came 
home  yesterday  morning,  .  .  .  and  now  you  must  understand 
the  state  of  the  case.  The  government  has  purchased  a  large 
number  of  vessels  in  New  York  which  are  in  the  hands  of  the 
workmen  undergoing  such  changes  as  are  necessary  to  fit 
them  for  an  armament,  and  the  purchase  and  outfit  of  these 
vessels  furnish  occasions  for  going  to  New  York  on  duty. 
The  commodore  has  hitherto  profited  by  these  occasions,  but 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  129 

I  find  that  I  can  go  now,  under  circumstances  that  will  enable 
me  to  run  home  for  a  day.  You  will  ask  why  I  do  not  make 
this  my  harbor  or  Almanac  visit.  First,  because  Bache 
can't  go  now,  and  second,  I  don't  call  this  my  visit  home, 
but  only  a  run  for  relaxation  :  my  going  home  for  a  visit  is 
another  thing. 

August  28th.  Yesterday  I  found  it  out  of  the  range  of 
possibility  to  write  a  line,  unless  I  gave  up  dining  with 
Bache,  as  I  had  promised.  Things  went  as  wrong  as  a  bad 
memory,  a  fit  of  indigestion,  and  a  complicated  series  of  mis 
apprehensions  acting  on  ill  temper  could  make  them.  It  was 
in  vain  I  tried  to  disentangle  matters  ;  finally  I  gave  up  the 
struggle  and  rushed  off  to  Bache,  rest,  and  Liebfraumilch  (or 
Rudesheimer).  But  there,  alas  !  I  was  disappointed  again. 
And  when  Bache  learned  from  me  that  the  army  had  made 
no  progress  whatever  in  the  matter  you  wot  of,  he  danced 
round,  jumped  up  and  down  in  his  chair,  and  tore  his  hair, 
and  I  could  really  have  sat  down  in  my  chair  and  cried,  when 
I  saw  that  our  plan  (of  the  conference)  for  seizing  and  occu 
pying  the  coast  of  Georgia  was  about  to  be  anticipated  by  the 
authorities  of  the  State.  My  philosophy  and  my  hopes  are 
subjected  to  the  severest  trial. 

August  29th.  I  grieve  to  say  that  my  feelings  have  under 
gone  a  change  since  I  left  home.  I  have  seen  by  the  papers 
that  our  plans  for  seizing  and  occupying  the  Southern  waters 
have  been  anticipated,  and  the  news  is  received  with  the  most 
alarming  indifference.  I  begin  now  to  share  in  the  general 
doubt  and  despondency,  so  far  as  our  operations  are  con 
cerned.  This  Teeling  will  soon  pass  into  indifference,  I  pre 
sume.  I  have  most  deliberately  determined  to  abstain,  as 
long  as  possible,  from  worrying  about  what  I  cannot  help.  I 
find  I  exercise  no  personal  influence,  and  I  long  since  dis 
covered  that  it  is  time  and  effort  wasted  to  try  to  make 
people  think  and  act  contrary  to  their  natures,  or  to  the  turn 
and  habit  of  their  minds.  I  have  an  indefinite  feeling  or 


130  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

apprehension  that  the  discovery  of  our  plans  for  the  occupa 
tion  of  the  Southern  coast,  made  so  long  ago,  and  presented 
and  approved,  will  hereafter  make  trouble,  and  I  really  begin 
to  fear  that  my  hopes  of  the  commission's  utility  will  fall  to 
the  ground.  But  I  go  on  and  work  out  the  problems,  with 
no  less  industry,  but  with  a  subdued  zeal.  When  the  whole 
subject  is  finished,  I  shall  feel  that  we  endeavored  to  do  well. 
We  are  now  in  the  Gulf,  and  there  is  a  large  amount  remain 
ing  to  be  done.  I  am  sorry  to  write  in  so  gloomy  a  strain 
but  this  is  the  way  I  feel  to-day.  To-morrow  I  may  feel 
better. 

September  2d.  The  excitement  was  so  great  yesterday 
morning,  in  consequence  of  the  news  from  Hatteras  Inlet, 
that  I  found  it  impossible  to  write  you  any  more  than  a  single 
line.  But  I  did  not  share  in  the  general  exultation,  though 
I  was  highly  gratified  at  the  result  as  far  as  it  went.  What 
was  done  fell  so  far  short  of  our  original  project,  and  the  im 
policy  of  stopping  in  the  midst  of  such  a  career  of  success, 
both  of  these  added  together,  made  me  feel  more  disappointed 
than  gratified.  What  Mr.  Pleydell  said  after  kissing  Lucy 
Betram  should  have  been  the  thought  of  the  commanding 
officer  :  "  On  ne  s'arrete  pas  dans  un  si  beau  chemin."  But 
we  are  preparing  to  set  it  right  by  directing  the  completion 
of  the  work,  about  which,  I  have  no  doubt,  there  will  be  some 
difficulty. 

September  4th.  I  am  to  have  the  pleasure  of  dining  to-day 
with  General  McClellan,  and  we  are  to  take  this  occasion  of 
talking  over  our  projects.  I  am  quite  occupied  with  the  pro 
spect  of  meeting  the  man  who  seems  to  be  the  man  of  the  age 
and  the  times  in  this  country.  I  shall  give  you  my  impres 
sions  of  him  to-morrow  [which,  unfortunately,  he  did  not  do, 
as  press  of  business  prevented  his  writing  again  until] 

September  6th.  I  inclose  a  note  from  Du  Pont  written 
last  Saturday.  It  may  amuse  you.  I  feel  better  than  I  did 
a  little  while  ago  when  I  felt  truly  depressed  by  the  apparent 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  131 

inaction  of  the  chiefs  —  the  leaders.      Hatteras  is  good  ;  but 
there  must  be  better  coming. 

Saturday,  31  Aug.,  '61. 

MY  DEAR  DAVIS,  — Your  P.  S.  in  pencil  to  a  letter  you 
forwarded  struck  me  as  the  first  inkling  of  gloom  from  your 
brave  heart  and  well-strung  nerves  ;  but  I  suppose  you  were 
transmitting  the  tone  of  your  surroundings  more  than  your 
own  feelings.  I  never  had  but  one  misgiving,  that  I  men 
tioned  to  you,  whether  our  government  machinery  was  equal 
to  the  emergency.  "  Just  too  late  "  would  seem  to  be  our 
motto  just  now.  Bourbon-like,  we  do  not  seem  to  do  a  capi 
tal  thing  soon  enough.  .  .  .  But  we  must  put  our  shoulders 
to  the  wheel  and  exert  to  the  utmost  every  power  God  has 
given  us.  If  we  are  not  successful  in  this  struggle  it  must 
not  be  your  fault  or  mine.  Affec'ly,  F.  D.  P. 

September  8th.  I  have  begun  to  open  my  batteries  on  the 
subject  of  going  home  to  attend  to  Boston  harbor  and  "  Nauti 
cal  Almanac  "  business,  and  I  am  in  hopes  that  when  the  pre 
sent  press  and  crowd  of  work  are  somewhat  relaxed,  I  shall 
be  permitted  to  run  away  and  make  a  longer  visit  home  than 
the  last.  About  such  things  both  Mr.  Welles  and  Mr.  Fox 
are  the  most  amiable  people  in  the  world.  Though  they 
do  make  one  boil  over  with  grief  and  impatience  at  their 
singular  want  of  appreciation  of  the  virtue  of  promptness, 
and  of  the  value  of  circumstances  —  the  value  of  circum 
stances.  Now  the  terror  existing  in  the  State  of  North 
Carolina,  a  circumstance  so  much  in  our  favor ;  and  the 
excited  expectation  of  the  North,  a  circumstance  so  much  in 
our  favor  ;  and  the  confidence  with  which  our  troops  and  sea 
men  have  been  inspired,  a  circumstance  so  much  in  our  favor ; 
all  these  will  be  allowed  to  subside  and  die  out,  without  a  just 
estimation  of,  or  a  turning  to  account,  their  inestimable  value. 
If  they  would  only  lay  aside  the  daily  detail  of  business,  and 


132  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

place  themselves  for  a  moment  on  the  perch  of  history  !  If 
they  could  only  be  brought  to  realize  the  wish  of  Betty  the 
maid,  and  stand  on  the  bank  and  see  themselves  ride  by ! 
We  talk  like  a  book  in  a  red  cover,  but  I  have  often  to  think 
of  that  maxim  of  conduct  I  learned  from  sister  Louisa,  "  One 
must  not  expect  to  change  natural  qualities."  I  am  ready  to 
cry  over  it.  But  I  must  hold  my  tongue,  and  command  and 
restrain  my  thoughts  even.  Heaps  of  maxims  and  senten 
tious  sayings  of  my  wise  and  dear  friend  Shakespeare  crowd 
into  my  mind.  Examples  of  history  rise  before  me,  press 
upon  my  thoughts,  till  I  fear  that  zeal,  growing  out  of  too 
much  thinking  on  the  subject,  may  take  the  place  of  know 
ledge.  So,  after  all,  it  is  perhaps  well  that  the  direction  is 
not  in  my  hands.  If  it  had  been  I  should  certainly  have  had 
another  little  expedition  on  foot,  which  we  (the  conference) 
have  been  urging  upon  Mr.  Fox  with  more  than  eagerness  — 
with  pertinacity. 

September  10th.  Yesterday  was  one  of  those  unsatisfactory 
days  when  one  is  busy  all  the  time  and  does  nothing,  makes 
no  progress.  Hours  were  wasted  in  the  merest  idle  talk  at  a 
meeting  I  was  obliged  to  attend.  I  have  schooled  myself  to 
some  patience  on  such  occasions,  though  I  am  astounded  (no 
word  less  strong  will  express  it)  at  the  frivolous  consumption 
of  business  time  —  precious  and  needed.  There  is  so  ready 
a  disposition  to  find  fault  with  people  we  differ  from,  and  we 
are  so  apt,  under  the  influence  of  pedantic  notions,  to  do 
injustice  to  minds  and  habits  of  thought  that  differ  from  our 
own,  that  I  endeaver  to  restrain  my  impatience  and  disposi 
tion  to  criticise.  You  know  from  your  own  observation  how 
one's  tongue  will  run  on,  when  the  argument  is  our  neighbors' 
shortcomings  measured  by  our  own  standard.  I  am  very 
much  disposed  just  now  to  think  that  Fox  is  not  going  to  rise 
to  the  height  of  the  argument.  He  is  very,  very  clever,  very 
prompt  in  the  business  of  the  department,  and  very  even- 
minded.  But  he  has  disappointed  my  first  expectations  in 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  133 

several  respects.  He  has  a  fancy  for  planning,  rather  than 
executing,  so  that  while  he  is  always  ready  to  consider  any 
scheme,  he  is  equally  ready  to  postpone  any  step  towards  the 
execution  of  a  plan  however  maturely  ripened  and  deliber 
ately  adopted ;  and  will  set  aside  an  old  plan  of  which  the 
gloss  is  worn  off,  to  revel  in  some  brand-new  speculation ;  some 
"fire-new  stamp  of  honor."  I  have  passed  many  anxious 
hours  in  cogitations  growing  out  of  this  weakness  of  his. 
But  I  think  it  will  all  come  right.  He  has  a  gigantic  capa 
city  for  work,  when  he  is  stimulated  to  exertion,  and  makes 
all  difficulties  yield  before  him. 

September  llth.  The  dear  old  commodore  has  not  gone 
yet,  but  as  the  board  of  which  he  is  president  is  to  meet  on 
the  16th  in  New  York  he  must  necessarily  take  his  departure 
soon.  I  shall  not,  however,  as  you  suppose,  remain  here  unin 
terruptedly.  The  expedition  I  told  you  of  is  in  full  prepara 
tion,  and  I  shall  take  my  place  in  it.  I  am  a  little  afraid  to 
write  freely  on  the  subject,  afraid  that  something  may  happen 
to  my  letter.  But  you  must  content  yourself  with  knowing, 
for  the  present,  that  no  change  of  consequence  has  been  made 
in  our  plans.  ...  It  is  certainly  quite  an  honor,  and  I  am 
sensible  of  it,  to  be  retained  here.  I  do  not  mean  to  under 
value  it :  but  at  the  same  time  I  think  the  place  a  temporary 
one  only,  not  permanent.  In  regard  to  the  duties  of  the 
bureau,  I  fit  in,  that  is  my  chief  recommendation.  There 
are  no  rubs,  no  contradictions,  no  quarrels,  and  hitherto  no 
misunderstandings.  I  keep  my  little  sphere  of  duties  active 
and  well-ordered,  and  am  on  friendly  terms  with  everybody. 
My  position  as  member  and  secretary  of  the  mixed  commis 
sion  is  a  confidential  one,  and  of  considerable  us6  —  great 
use  I  should  say.  We  are  constantly  consulted,  and  have 
had  a  meeting  to-day.  To  come  back  to  our  Bureau  of  Detail, 
it  is  in  some  respects  rather  an  incumbrance  than  a  conven 
ience  to  the  assistant  secretary,  who  would  prefer  to  answer 
most  of  the  applications  himself.  In  one  word  I  have  great 
doubts  of  its  permanent  existence. 


134  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

September  18th.  Yesterday  Commodore  Paulding  took  his 
final  leave  of  the  office  and  left  me  in  charge.  But  my  reign 
will  be  very  short-lived.  My  Southern  expedition  takes  me 
off  very  soon.  To-day  I  give  up  the  "  Nautical  Almanac."  I 
am  sorry  to  do  it,  but  I  could  not  retain  it,  and  it  is  always 
mine  when  I  want  it.  Winlock  takes  my  place,  and  he  will 
be  glad  to  get  it. 

There  are  two  facts  brought  out  in  Davis' s  connec 
tion  with  the  Navy  Department  at  this  time  which  might 
be  worth  the  notice  of  any  one  who  cared  to  make  a 
study  of  naval  administration,  if,  indeed,  it  were  worth 
any  one's  while  to  do  so.  The  first  is,  that  the  exist 
ence  of  an  admiralty  board,  charged  with  the  initia 
tion  and  suggestion  of  naval  affairs,  was,  for  no  clearly 
ostensible  reason,  kept  a  secret.  Whatever  the  reasons 
for  secrecy  may  have  been  at  the  time,  they  are  not 
apparent  now,  and  as  the  question  has  become  a  matter 
of  history,  there  can  be  no  impropriety,  at  this  distance 
of  time,  in  recording  and  discussing  the  fact.  The 
necessity  for  such  a  board  might  be  sufficiently  mani 
fest,  and  it  is  difficult  to  see  in  what  manner  its  open 
recognition  could  do  harm  to  the  public  service.  The 
other  fact  is  that  the  vigilance  of  the  department  was 
not  sufficient  to  guard  from  publicity  the  proceedings 
and  results  of  a  military  commission  planning  hostile 
operations  on  the  enemy's  coasts,  and  whose  very  exist 
ence  should  have  remained  a  profound  secret ;  and  that 
the  public  at  the  North,  and  the  enemy  at  the  South, 
became  cognizant  of  the  department's  intentions  almost 
as  soon  as  they  were  formulated  and  approved.  The 
juxtaposition  of  these  two  facts  is  very  suggestive. 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  135 

But  there  was  another  service  in  which  Davis  was 
engaged  in  the  summer  of  1861,  which  has  been  more 
far-reaching  in  its  results  than  his  labors  in  the  bureau 
or  as  member  and  secretary  of  the  conference.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  board  on  ironclad  ships,  the  famous 
board  which  authorized  the  building  of  the  Monitor.1 

The  board  recommended  the  construction  of  three 
armored  vessels,  the  New  Ironsides,  the  Galena,  and 
the  Monitor.  The  latter  was  the  design  of  a  for 
eigner,  a  Swede,  to  whose  mind  the  conception  of  a 
water  war-machine  had  been  suggested  in  youth  by  the 
contemplation,  in  the  waters  of  his  own  country,  of 
rafts  of  logs  with  little  huts  built  upon  them.  This 
remarkable  circumstance,  like  the  anecdote  of  Newton 
and  the  apple,  has  been  cited  as  an  easy  and  familiar 
illustration  of  genius.  The  Monitor  made  so  dramatic 
a  figure  in  the  civil  war  that  it  is  hardly  possible,  even 
now,  to  discuss,  without  incurring  the  charge  of  preju 
dice,  the  true  lesson  which  she  left  when  she  sank  at 
the  end  of  a  tow-line.  But  the  board  of  1861  stated  in 
guarded  and  temperate  language  the  exact  truth  with 
regard  to  her  qualities,  and  its  opinion  could  be  reiter 
ated  to-day  as  a  just  and  impartial  judgment  on  her 
design. 

The  board  has  been  accused  of  prejudice  and  igno 
rance.  It  has  been  said  that  its  members  were  obstruc 
tionists,  standing  in  the  way  of  progress  and  improve 
ment.  It  has  been  said  of  Davis  in  particular  that  he 
held  out  against  the  Monitor  design  because  he  could 
not  be  satisfied  of  the  vessel's  stability,  and  only  yielded 

1  This  board  was  established  by  act  of  Congress  of  August  3,  1861. 


136  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

at  last  at  the  personal  intercession  of  the  President. 
This  accusation  rests  on  hearsay  evidence  alone,  but  it 
is  probably  untrue,  because  Davis  knew  that  the  defect 
of  a  raft,  as  a  form  of  ship,  is  not  want  of  stability,  but 
rather  excess  of  stability,  a  truth  which  his  critics  have 
mostly  failed  to  apprehend.  So  far  from  a  desire  to 
obstruct,  the  board  was  willing  to  adopt  the  design  be 
cause  it  recognized  the  fact  that  shipbuilding  was  at 
that  time  in  a  transition  stage,  and  to  quote  its  own 
language,1  "  This  plan  of  a  floating  battery  is  novel,  but 
seems  to  be  based  upon  a  plan  which  will  render  the 
battery  shot  and  shell  proof."  The  board  guarded  its 
recommendation  by  the  reasonable  proviso  that  the 
builder  should  guarantee,  under  penalty,  the  points  and 

1  So  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Monitor  design,  the  report  of  the  board 
may  be  quoted  in  full  :  "  Our  immediate  demands  seem  to  require,  first, 
so  far  as  practicable,  vessels  invulnerable  to  shot,  of  light  draught  of 
water,  to  penetrate  our  shoal  harbors,  rivers,  and  bayous.  We  therefore 
favor  the  construction  of  this  class  of  vessels  before  going  into  a  more 
perfect  system  of  large  ironclad  sea-going  vessels  of  war.  .  .  . 

"  J.  Ericsson,  New  York.  —  This  plan  of  a  floating  battery  is  novel, 
but  seems  to  be  based  upon  a  plan  which  will  render  the  battery  shot  and 
shell  proof.  We  are  somewhat  apprehensive  that  her  properties  for  sea 
are  not  such  as  a  sea-going  vessel  should  possess.  But  she  may  be  moved 
from  one  place  to  another  on  the  coast  in  smooth  water.  We  recommend 
that  an  experiment  be  made  with  one  battery  of  this  description  on  the 
terms  proposed,  with  a  guarantee  and  forfeiture  in  case  of  failure  in  any 
of  the  properties  and  points  proposed. 

"Price  $275,000  :  length  of  vessel,  172  feet;  breadth  of  beam,  41  feet; 
depth  of  hold,  11£  feet ;  time,  100  days;  draught  of  water,  10  feet;  dis 
placement,  1255  tons;  speed  per  hour,  9  statute  miles." 

Davis  was  the  junior  member  of  the  board,  and  probably  drew  up  the 
report.  The  other  members  were  Commodores  Joseph  Smith  and  Hiram 
Paulding.  The  Monitor  was  only  one  of  many  designs,  all  more  or  less 
novel,  submitted  for  consideration.  See  the  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  for  1862,  Appendix. 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  137 

properties  claimed  for  the  vessel.  It  also  recognized 
the  peculiar  necessities  of  the  country  at  the  time,  and 
the  fact  that  the  Monitor  could  be  built  and  made  avail 
able  in  haste.  This  surely  is  not  obstruction. 

After  the  dramatic  combat  in  Hampton  Roads,  the 
Monitor  became  the  recognized  type  of  armored  ship 
for  the  United  States  navy,  and  it  remains,  in  the 
popular  mind,  the  American  standard  to  this  day.  Its 
extreme  advocates  went  so  far  as  to  build  an  entire  class 
of  these  vessels  which  actually  would  not  float  with 
their  guns  and  stores  on  board,  such  was  the  mania  for 
excessively  low  freeboard  and  decks  awash  with  the  sea  ; 
in  other  words,  for  the  raft  body.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  Monitor  revolutionized  naval  warfare.  It  would 
be  more  correct  to  say  that  the  first  combat  between 
ironclad  ships  revolutionized  naval  warfare.  It  is  a 
perfectly  obvious  proposition  that  any  recognized  type 
of  steamship  with  six  inches  of  armor  on  her  sides 
would  have  done  better  in  the  fight  in  Hampton  Roads 
than  the  Monitor  did.  It  is  also  a  fact  that  this  com 
bat  relieved  the  people  of  the  North  from  a  state  of 
terror,  and  left  them  in  no  condition  of  mind  to  pro 
nounce  an  impartial  judgment.  The  several  nations  of 
Europe,  passing  through  the  transition  stages  of  naval 
development,  immediately  abandoned  the  Monitor  and 
her  prototypes ;  and  the  revolving  turret,  the  only  fea 
ture  of  real  merit  in  the  whole  design,  was  not,  proba 
bly,  an  original  conception  of  the  inventor  of  the  ship. 

The  defects  of  the  Monitor  type  are,  excessive  sta 
bility  at  the  expense  of  steadiness  as  a  gun  platform ; 
extremely  limited  endurance  or  radius  of  action ;  total 


138  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

lack  of  reserve  of  buoyancy ;  extreme  slowness  of  fire  ; 
inability  to  move,  even  from  port  to  port,  without  a 
consort ;  extreme  slowness  in  speed  and  manoeuvre ; 
and  total  inability  to  cruise  and  keep  the  seas.  The 
advantages  to  set  off  against  these  objections  are  appar 
ent  invulnerability,  and  the  minimum  of  target  surface. 
That  is,  the  ship  is  preeminently  a  defensive  battery 
with  the  minimum  of  offensive  power ;  but  she  pos 
sesses  another  quality  which  has  given  her  a  transcendent 
value  in  American  eyes  ;  she  is  a  cheap  and  ingenious, 
and  at  the  same  time  a  spurious  and  trivial  substitute 
for  a  recognized  and  accepted  standard  in  war. 

It  may  seem  far-fetched  to  trace  the  causes  of  the 
popularity  of  the  Monitor  back  to  Magna  Charta ;  but 
the  supineness  and  indifference  of  the  people  towards 
military  and  naval  affairs,  and  the  hostility  to  standing 
armies  and  to  regular  methods  of  warfare,  both  on  land 
and  at  sea,  which  is  inherent  in  the  nation's  blood,  are 
founded  upon  the  security  and  jealousy  of  civil  liberty. 
The  amateur  in  war  has  always  the  nation's  sympathy, 
—  he  is  ready-made  and  picturesque,  —  but  let  the 
citizen  be  trained  to  proficiency  in  the  profession  of 
arms,  and  he  becomes  an  object  of  aversion.  "  Go  to  ! 
I  hate  him  and  his  trade."  In  the  darkest  days  of  the 
Revolution,  it  was  always  safe  to  insult  the  army ;  in 
the  hour  of  success,  it  was  considered  a  politic  and 
expedient  thing  to  do  so.  But  it  was  the  wisdom  of 
the  immortal  leader  who  was  first  in  war  (and  easily 
first  in  peace),  which  could  reverse  the  popular  creed, 
and  teach  his  army  to  be  good  soldiers  first  and  better 
citizens  afterwards,  and  which  saved  the  country  from 
the  miseries  of  military  despotism. 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  IN  1861  139 

The  navy  could  never  be  feared  as  a  menace  to  civil 
liberty  at  home,  but  it  has  felt  the  full  force  of  the 
nation's  aversion  to  everything  military  except  names. 
Warfare  was  learned  as  a  lesson  in  the  four  years  from 
1861  to  1865,  and  it  was  learned  thoroughly  because 
it  was  learned  in  anguish.  What  would  have  been 
thought  of  a  leader  who,  at  the  end  of  the  civil  war, 
should  have  proposed  that  armies  should  be  organized 
without  heavy  infantry  or  artillery,  and  with  only  a 
skirmish  line  strong  enough  to  drive  in  the  enemy's 
outposts,  but  too  weak  to  meet  his  columns  in  battle? 
Yet  that  was  precisely  the  naval  policy  of  the  country 
as  exemplified  in  the  heavy  frigates,  like  the  Independ 
ence  for  example,  and  up  to  and  even  including  the 
period  of  the  civil  war  itself.  The  frigates  left  a  glo 
rious  legacy  to  the  navy  and  to  the  country.  If  not 
war,  they  were  at  least  magnificent  and  perilously  near 
war  ;  but  the  deluded  champions  of  the  Monitor  could 
find,  in  the  revulsion  which  followed  the  civil  war,  a 
plan  of  passive  defense  better  suited  to  the  temper  of  a 
people  blinded  by  prejudice,  unversed  in  naval  affairs, 
and  deceived  by  success  in  a  circumscribed  field,  and 
insist  that  the  safety  of  the  republic,  with  three  thou 
sand  miles  of  ocean  frontier,  must  be  intrusted  to  ships 
which  could  not  cruise  or  keep  the  seas,  which  could 
neither  fight  at  sea,  chase,  nor  run  away,  and  whose 
virtues  in  combat  were  the  virtues  of  the  armadillo ; 
and  in  such  craft  American  seamen  might  skulk  in 
"  shallow  harbors,  rivers,  and  bayous,"  where  an  active 
enemy  could  not  get  at  them,  but  must  be  left  at 
large,  to  ravage  everything  else  in  sight. 


140  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Happily,  as  the  nation  begins  to  awake  to  the  obliga 
tions  of  its  power,  this  delusion  is  passing.  A  teacher 
of  our  own  —  I  had  almost  written  a  prophet,  for  he 
has  not  been  without  honor  save  in  his  own  country 
—  has  shown  in  a  new  light  the  true  meaning  of  the 
sea-power.  We  now  know 1  that  the  judgment  of  the 
board  of  1861  was  exactly  correct,  and  that,  as  far  as 
they  relate  to  the  real  naval  interests  of  this  country, 
the  expedient  of  the  frigate  and  the  fallacy  of  the 
Monitor  are  as  dead  as  the  Arian  Heresy. 

1  This  chapter  was  written  before  the  war  with  Spain.  It  is  needless 
to  adduce  the  experience  of  that  war  to  prove  the  utter  inadequacy  of 
the  Monitor  type  in  serious  naval  operations  :  and  yet  more  of  these  ves 
sels  are  to  be  built. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

WASHINGTON  IN  1861 

THE  preceding  chapter  has  dealt  exclusively  with 
Davis' s  official  service  in  the  Navy  Department  in  1861. 
It  may  not  be  amiss  to  take  a  brief  glance  at  his 
private  life  and  surroundings  in  Washington  at  this 
most  exciting  period  of  history.  When  Davis  was 
summoned  to  Washington  in  May  he  came  on  alone, 
leaving  his  family  in  Cambridge.  There  were  several 
reasons  for  not  breaking  up  the  household.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  commonly  supposed  that  the  war 
would  only  last  a  few  months.  The  Confederate  army 
was  to  be  driven  out  of  Virginia,  Richmond  was  to 
be  captured  at  once,  and  the  rebellion  suppressed  in 
the  border  States  ;  after  which,  if  any  forces  remained 
in  arms,  the  subjugation  of  the  South  would  be  a 
simple  matter.  That  was  the  popular  conception  of 
the  war,  in  which  almost  everybody  shared.  Moreover, 
as  the  summer  advanced,  and  the  Northern  armies  met 
with  reverses  rather  than  successes,  Washington  was 
too  precarious  a  situation  for  a  home.  New  England 
was  safe,  and  Davis's  children  were  at  school  in  Cam 
bridge  ;  so  he  lived  alone  in  lodgings  in  Washington, 
and  stuck  to  his  post,  only  making  one  short  visit 
home  during  the  whole  of  the  spring  and  summer,  and 


142  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

until  his  final  detachment  from  the  Bureau  of  Detail  in 
September. 

His  associates  were  those  officers  with  whom  he  was 
connected  at  the  department,  Bache  of  the  coast  sur 
vey,  Henry  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  General 
Totten,  the  chief  of  engineers,  and  most  particularly, 
after  the  organization  of  the  conference,  Du  Pont. 
Besides  these,  there  were  several  private  houses  which 
he  visited  familiarly,  for  his  frequent  journeys  to 
Washington  before  the  war  had  made  him  intimate  in 
Washington  society.  As  a  relaxation  from  the  cares 
and  anxieties  of  official  life  he  read,  for  he  was  always 
an  omnivorous  reader,  though  he  says :  "  When  I  first 
came  to  Washington  I  was  so  wearied  and  dazed  with 
the  six  or  seven  hours  at  the  desk,  and  in  the  business 
of  the  office,  that  I  only  opened  a  book  to  make  use  of 
it  as  a  soporific.  In  this  way  I  waded  slowly  through 
the  mud  and  water  of  one  or  two  literary  narcotics. 
My  evenings  were  mostly  spent  in  visiting.  But  as  I 
began  to  work  into  the  ruts  of  this  new  and  not  agree 
able  life,  the  habit  of  reading  began  to  reassert  its 
influence."  Even  in  the  midst  of  war's  alarms,  his 
letters  abound  in  allusions  to,  and  criticisms  of,  the 
books  he  reads. 

The  letters  themselves  are  fragmentary  and  discon 
nected.  Although  he  wrote  nearly  every  day,  he  was 
obliged  to  seize  on  odd  moments  in  the  intervals  of 
business,  and  he  made  no  effort  to  tell  a  continuous 
story.  Still  he  was  a  ready  writer,  and  his  letters  occa 
sionally  contain  pictures  or  criticisms  of  passing  events, 
and,  even  fragmentary  as  they  are,  some  of  these 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  143 

sketches  throw  a  light  on  the  times.  Moreover,  they 
are  characteristic.  There  are  many  private  and  personal 
allusions  which  are  unsuitable  for  publication,  though 
his  criticisms  of  men  are  never  unfair.  He  was  gen 
erous  and  chivalrous  by  nature,  and  he  never  measured 
others  by  simply  a  reference  to  his  own  standard.  A 
few  extracts  are  given,  and  it  must  be  premised  that 
they  form  portions  of  the  letters  already  quoted  in  the 
preceding  chapter ;  but  a  separation  of  subjects  has 
seemed  advisable. 

May  1st.  I  reached  here  Saturday  night  at  half  past  ten, 
by  the  way  of  Annapolis,  a  longer  and  more  tedious  route 
than  the  old  one.  We  stayed  long  enough  in  Annapolis  for 
seeing  the  Academy  grounds  and  troops.  The  watch  fires 
along  the  line  of  road  from  Annapolis  to  the  Junction  and  to 
the  capital,  the  encampments  and  the  multitude  of  soldiers, 
had  a  peculiar  effect.  Bache  and  his  wife  gave  me  a  most 
cordial  welcome.  I  have  not  seen  enough  of  the  world  here 
to  acquire  any  new  ideas  about  the  war  or  to  learn  anything. 
Yesterday  I  passed  the  entire  day  with  the  commodore 
[Paulding]  ;  and  to-day  I  am  at  the  department  trying  to  see 
through  a  millstone,  and  in  such  a  hurry  that  I  have  only 
time  to  say  that  I  am  well. 

After  this  brief  note  Davis  returned  to  Cambridge  to 
settle  his  affairs  at  home,  and  make  preparations  for 
permanent  duty  in  Washington,  which  he  reached  again 
on  May  13th. 

May  14th.  Washington  and  the  District  will  form  the 
great  military  camp  and  centre  of  operations,  and  an  active 
campaign  will  not  be  begun  until  the  number  of  troops  is  con 
siderably  augmented.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  is  supposed 
to  embrace  Harper's  Ferry,  Norfolk,  and  Richmond. 


144  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

The  exact  number  of  men  here  is  not  known.  I  have  talked 
with  army  officers,  and  think  there  are  between  22,000  and 
25,000  men;  and  in  the  District  12,000  to  15,000  more. 
There  is  a  feeling  of  security  now,  but  I  learn  from  every  one 
that  the  alarm  at  one  time  was  extreme.  It  was  thought  that 
conquest  and  famine  were  imminent,  and  there  was,  in  truth, 
the  greatest  probability  that  even  a  small  force  of  resolute 
men,  backed  by  the  secessionists  here,  would  have  taken  the 
city  with  ease.  The  enemy  lost  a  great  chance,  a  very  great 
chance,  one  that  will  not  return.  I  wonder  at  the  supineness 
of  the  rebels.  It  was  a  great  opportunity  lost.  Bache  says 
they  did  not  move  because  they  could  not  provision  a  force 
of  six  thousand  men.  I  shall  write  again  to-morrow,  and 
scribble  in  the  greatest  hurry. 

May  15th.  It  is  the  general  impression  here  that  "Wash 
ington  will  be  attacked,  but  the  city  is  secure.  If  other  occu 
pation  is  found  for  the  Southern  army  the  attack  will  not  be 
made.  The  state  of  things  seems  to  be  this :  that  neither 
party  is  ready  for  the  other  yet.  The  Virginia  troops  are 
not  ready  to  take  possession  of  Arlington  Heights,  and  the 
government  wishes  to  avoid  treading  on  Virginia  soil  before 
the  election  of  the  23d  instant  and  furnishing  the  secessionists 
with  an  argument.  There  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  exist 
ence  of  a  Union  feeling  in  eastern  Virginia,  increased  by  the 
forced  contributions,  authorized  thefts,  and  violence  of  war. 
How  much  this  feeling  may  be  kept  under  and  suppressed 
remains  to  be  seen.  We  still  hope  that  secession  may  be 
rebuked  by  the  vote  of  the  23d.  It  is  a  sign  of  the  times 
that  a  number  of  horses,  saddled  and  bridled,  are  standing 
all  day  long  at  the  different  offices  of  the  "War  Department. 

May  18th  (17th  ?).  Since  writing  yesterday,  I  have  heard 
the  opinion  of  clever  army  officers,  and  think  that  there  is  a 
good  deal  of  uneasiness  about  Arlington  Heights,  the  possession 
of  which,  gained  without  difficulty  by  the  enemy,  would  annoy 
and  injure  this  part  of  the  city,  though  it  would  not  lead  to 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  145 

the  capture  of  Washington.  It  is  said  that  neither  side  is 
prepared  to  open  the  campaign ;  and  particularly  that  Gen 
eral  Scott  will  wait  for  greater  numbers,  and  more  perfect 
discipline,  before  provoking  active  hostilities.  I  am  glad  to 
see  that  the  rebel  force  is  increased  at  Harper's  Ferry.  The 
position  is  inside  our  base  of  operations,  can  be  cut  off  and 
shut  up,  and  employs  a  good  number  of  the  most  efficient 
troops. 

May  18th.  The  longer  I  stay  here,  the  more  I  am  struck 
with  the  unprepared  state  of  things  generally.  Captain 
Meigs  (now  colonel)  has  told  me  that  Fort  Pickens  is  badly 
provided  with  shot  and  shell,  and  I  know  that  a  thousand  of 
the  latter  have  been  supplied  by  the  navy,  though  they  are 
not  yet  on  their  way.  I  am  every  day  more  satisfied  that 
General  Scott  will  proceed  with  great  deliberation  ;  will  wait 
till  his  troops  are  more  perfectly  drilled  and  have  accumulated 
in  greater  numbers.  A  gentleman  who  dined  with  him  yester 
day  told  me  this  morning  that  he  (the  general)  estimated 
the  troops  under  arms  in  Virginia  at  40,000,  very  well  offi 
cered,  unequally  armed,  and  with  a  deficient  commissariat. 
The  military  policy  may  be  adopted  of  waiting  for  an  attack 
and  not  commencing  the  war  ourselves.  A  great  deal  of  the 
strength  of  Virginia  may  be  expended,  for  example,  on  Fort 
Monroe,  which  they  seem  crazy  to  take,  and  also  in  building 
up,  and  occupying  during  the  hot  weather,  the  environs  of 
Norfolk.  There  will  no  doubt  be  active  movements  in  the 
West  and  on  the  Mississippi  River  when  the  cold  weather  of 
the  autumn  authorizes  it,  or  even  before. 

May  20th.  I  witnessed  the  swearing  in  of  a  regiment  (Ger 
man)  the  other  day.  The  sight  was  not  a  grand  one.  Some 
thirty  refused  to  take  the  oath,  ten  of  whom  came  in  after 
wards,  while  the  remaining  twenty  were  drummed  out  amid 
the  hisses,  groans,  and  whistling  (a  TAllemagne)  of  their 
comrades. 

May  25th.   We  have  had  an  exciting  time  this  morning. 


146  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Poor  Ellsworth's  funeral ;  an  attack  on  the  New  Jersey  regi 
ment  at  the  Chain  Bridge  by  the  Virginians  ;  and  the  report 
of  a  fight  at  SewalTs  Point.  The  alarm  guns  were  fired  for 
the  first  time,  and  war  is  actually  begun.  The  Navy  Depart 
ment  is  well  prepared  with  rifles  and  revolvers.  The  bells 
are  now  ringing,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  alarm  continues. 
The  Commodore,  Woodhull,  and  the  clerk  are  loading  the 
muskets  (rifles)  in  the  room  where  I  am  now  writing.  .  .  . 
The  reports  thus  far  are  good  ;  Sewall's  Point  is  said  to  be 
captured,  and  the  Virginians  are  said  to  be  repulsed  at  Chain 
Bridge.  This  is  on  the  bulletin  at  the  "War  Department,  but 
has  yet  to  be  confirmed. 

May  28th.  Mr.  Fox  said  to  me  the  other  day  that  a  pri 
vate  concern  would  be  ruined  by  conducting  business  as  it  is 
carried  on  here.  It  calls  for  the  exercise  of  all  my  self-con 
trol  and  discretion  to  refrain  from  speaking  upon  subjects 
that  do  not  concern  me.  Don't  imagine  I  tell  you  all  I  see, 
and  don't  repeat  what  I  tell.  The  First  New  Hampshire 
Regiment  arrived  last  night  and  was  reviewed  by  the  President 
this  morning,  —  a  fine  looking  regiment,  perfectly  equipped, 
with  a  dozen  or  more  baggage  wagons,  an  ambulance,  etc.  It 
is  said  to  be  the  most  perfectly  provided  of  all  that  have 
come. 

June  16th.  Living  in  Washington  one  sees  some  of  the 
peculiar  distresses  of  civil  war  ;  families  divided  and  the  dif 
ferent  members  arrayed  against  each  other  in  the  two  armies. 
There  is  a  young  man  here  from  the  South  whose  case  is  a 
most  melancholy  one.  His  family  refuse  all  intercourse  with 
him ;  his  mother  sends  back  his  letters  unopened,  and  he  has 
now  made  his  last  appeal  to  her  by  sending  his  Bible,  a  pre 
sent  from  his  mother  when  he  left  home,  with  a  final  letter. 
This  incident  is  as  touching  and  striking  as  the  killing  of  the 
father  by  the  son,  and  the  reverse,  in  Henry  VI.  When  I 
went  over  to  see  Fort  Seward,  the  tete  dupont  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Long  Bridge,  I  met  with  a  young  officer  of  engi- 


.       WASHINGTON  IN  1861  147 

neers  from  South  Carolina,  who  was  constructing  the  fort, 
'and  who  told  me  that  he  had  ten  uncles  in  the  secession  army. 
To  have  ten  uncles  anywhere  is  remarkable ;  but  to  have 
them  drawn  up  in  battle  array  against  one  nephew  is  a  rare 
combination.  ...  A  great  many  families  in  Washington  are 
divided  among  themselves.  ...  I  hear  a  great  deal  and 
think  a  great  deal  of  this  distress,  and  have  a  sentiment  of 
enduring  gratitude  for  our  exemption  from  this  woeful  addi 
tion  to  our  present  troubles.  It  is  better  to  be  all  on  one  side, 
or  all  on  the  other,  and  not,  like  poor  Cordelia,  see  before  us 
a  divided  duty.  I  am  most  happy  that  you  are  in  a  place 
remote  from  the  scenes  of  war,  their  pains,  agitations,  and 
anxieties.  .  .  .  The  next  point  is  the  Manassas  Gap,  or  Junc 
tion,  from  which  we  are  to  hear.  It  is  very  evident  that  we 
are  on  the  eve  of  a  great  event  there,  and  of  some  important 
occurrence  at  Winchester.  It  is  not  impossible  that  McClel- 
lan's  advance  column  may  have  reached  Winchester  before 
Johnston.  Whichever  party  gets  there  first  will  probably 
intrench  itself  ;  but  if  we  are  there  first,  we  have  the  advan 
tage  of  having  made  an  advance  on  our  intended  line  of  move 
ment  ;  but  if  Johnston  should  garrison  his  forces  there,  he 
will  only  repeat  the  blunder  of  Harper's  Ferry.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  General  Johnston  should  retreat  toward  the  main 
line,  crossing  the  Blue  Eidge  at  the  Paris  Gap  for  example, 
and  either  wait  reinforcements  from  Kichmond  or  join  Gen 
eral  Beauregard,  a  big  fight  would,  I  suppose,  take  place 
somewhere  on  the  rolling  country  west  of  Alexandria.1  I 
hear  that  General  Beauregard  means  to  strike  a  blow.  It  is 
certain  that  extreme  activity  prevails  in  our  vicinity.  The 
intrenchments  on  the  other  side  from  Alexandria,  with  Chain 
Bridge,  including  Arlington  Heights,  are  fortified  with  heavy 
artillery  (siege  guns),  the  troops  about  Alexandria  are  drawn 
in  and  massed,  the  scouts  are  very  active,  and  General 

1  Considering  the  events  that  actually  transpired,  this  is  a  clever  sum 
mary  of  the  situation. 


148  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Schenck's  brigade,  comprising  two  thousand  men,  moved 
across  the  river  night  before  last. 

June  18th.  Mr.  S.1  returned  home  last  night,  to  the  great 
joy  of  his  wife  and  daughter,  and  to  .his  own  satisfaction. 
He  was  entirely  surprised  to  find  his  family  safe,  and  living 
on  such  good  terms  with  their  neighbors,  particularly  their 
neighbors  of  different  political  opinions.  Such  were  the  ap 
prehensions  inspired  in  his  mind  by  the  rumors  and  exagger 
ations  of  his  correspondents  that  he  expected  to  be  arrested 
and  to  have  his  baggage  searched  at  every  stopping-place 
between  Boston  and  Washington.  In  fact,  it  is  a  thing  that 
strikes  one  very  much,  the  free  intercourse  of  persons  whose 
friends  are  fighting  in  the  opposing  ranks.  We  are  living 
in  constant  expectation  of  some  great  event,  though  what  it 
is  to  be  I  don't  know.  We  are  surrounded  by  incident,  so  to 
speak.  The  "  rumors  of  war,"  which  constitute  one  of  the 
evils  of  a  state  of  war,  fill  our  ears  and  produce  incessant  agi 
tations. 

June  21st.  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  Tom  Motley  last 
night  at  William  Lee's.  He  and  the  historian  have  been  in 
town  some  days,  the  latter  on  public  business,  being  a  bearer 
of  dispatches  from  England.  The  accounts  from  that  coun 
try  are  a  little  more  satisfactory.  But  how  the  English  hate 
broke  out  at  first !  It  is  deep-seated  and  hearty.  Have  we 
got  to  drink  the  bitter  cup  of  humiliation  and  degradation 
in  witnessing  the  triumph  of  our  enemies  in  our  national 
ruin  ?  "  We  will  cry  to  God  most  high,  unto  God  that  per- 
formeth  all  things  for  us,"  to  save  us  from  this  affliction. 
Motley  says  that  the  Southern  agents,  having  the  start  of  us, 
and  making  free  use  of  the  falsehood  which  has  been  their 
chief  instrument  in  promoting  secession,  persuaded  the  British 
government  that  the  Confederate  States  had  possession  of 
Washington,  and  that  the  bonds  of  union  were  so  entirely 
dissolved  that  only  the  Southern  States  remained  together. 
1  A  person  whose  identity  is  now  lost. 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  149 

.  .  .  William  Lee  gave  me  an  account  of  his  introduction  of 
Lothrop  Motley  to  General  Scott.  They  were  profuse  in 
their  mutual  compliments  and  praises,  and  the  general  called 
for  champagne,  "  green  seal,"  looking,  perhaps,  upon  Motley 
as  his  future  historian.  I  heard  one  or  two  anecdotes  of  the 
general.  Speaking  of  the  Ohio  troops  being  led  into  am 
buscade  last  Tuesday,  he  said  that  the  commanding  officer 
dumped  them  down  between  the  batteries  like  so  much  dead 
freight.  He  said  also  that  he  could  manage  all  his  generals 
except  General  Impatience. 

July  13th.  Mr.  S.  and  his  family  leave  Washington  be 
cause  he  has  no  means  of  living  here,  and  is  obliged  to 
depend  on  rich  friends  for  the  means  of  support.  He  is  a 
protege  of  Mr.  M.,  to  whom  he  owes  his  appointment ;  and  he 
resigned  because  Mr.  M.  resigned,  and  if  Mr.  M.  had  not 
resigned  he  would  not  have  resigned.  What  a  queer  thing 
to  hold  such  a  relation  to  another  man  that  he  becomes  the 
honor,  the  law,  and  the  conscience  of  his  hanger-on,  or  dis 
ciple,  or  admirer!  And  how  worse  than  stupid  to  throw 
himself  at  his  time  of  life,  with  his  family,  on  the  charity  of 
friends  !  Strange  weakness  and  infatuation  ! 

July  15th.  I  should  think  less  of  the  task  of  writing  if  I 
had  anything  to  write  about.  The  great  news  of  the  day, 
and  of  history,  is  the  war  news,  and  that  you  have  in  the 
papers  better  than  I  can  give  it.  ...  The  desperate  state  of 
feeling  among  the  Southerners  here  shows  itself  in  nothing 
so  much  as  their  misrepresentations  and  exaggerations.  They 
deceive  themselves,  and  are  willing  to  be  deceived.  A  week 
ago  last  Friday,  that  is,  eleven  days  ago,  a  crazy  secessionist 
told  Du  Pont  that  in  six  days  from  that  day  we,  the  Union 
ists,  would  be  "  whipped  out  of  our  boots,"  and  that  in  sixty 
days  the  city  of  Philadelphia  would  be  laid  under  contribu 
tion  ;  and,  moreover,  there  were  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
thousand  men  under  Beauregard  in  Virginia.  The  gentleman 
believed  all  this,  and  he  and  his  associates  live  on  such  hopes. 


150  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

They  tell  each  other  exaggerated  stories,  magnify  little  inci 
dents,  suppress  disagreeable  truths,  and  talk  big  (to  use  a 
vulgar  phrase),  like  frightened  children.  So  far  is  it  from 
being  likely  that  we  are  to  be  "  whipped  out  of  our  boots  " 
(I  wear  gaiters),  that  we  are  to  make  the  forward  movement 
ourselves  to-day  or  to-morrow.  This  I  tell  you  because  it  will 
be  known  before  my  letter  reaches  you. 

July  21st.  The  office,  or  bureau,  is  very  quiet  on  Sun 
days.  The  day  is  a  remarkably  pleasant  one  ;  the  air  is 
fresh,  yet  soft,  balmy,  and  not  too  warm.  The  birds  are 
singing  in  the  thick  foliage  of  the  yard,  where  they  are  never 
disturbed,  and  all  I  see  and  hear  was,  a  moment  ago,  in 
keeping  with  the  stillness  of  a  Sabbath  morning.  But  since 
I  began  to  write,  the  rumbling  of  heavy  transportation  wagons 
over  the  stones  of  the  Avenue  has  broken  the  silence  of  the 
morning  and  the  hush  of  nature ;  and,  still,  further  to  distract 
the  solemnity  of  the  day,  the  messenger  has  just  brought  up 
word  that  the  enemy's  batteries  at  Bull  Run  have  been 
turned,  and  that  fighting  is  going  on  there. 

July  22d.  I  wrote  the  letter  that  goes  by  this  same  mail, 
but  found  no  opportunity  to  send  it  yesterday.  I  meant  to 
take  it  to  the  hotel  last  evening  on  my  way  to  the  Smith 
sonian,  where  I  drank  tea,  but  forgot  it.  The  sad  news  of 
this  morning  has  made  us  feel  particularly  unhappy,  because 
we  had  received  good  news  last  evening.  I  find  it  difficult 
to  confine  my  thoughts  to  the  business  of  the  office.  There 
is  the  greatest  fault-finding  and  discontent.  Every  one  is  a 
general  and  a  military  critic,  and  every  one,  as  is  generally 
the  case  in  times  of  misfortune  and  ill  luck,  is  ready  to  con 
demn  and  to  indulge  in  ill  temper.  For  my  own  part,  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  the  present  state  of  feeling  is  very 
much  exaggerated,  and  that  the  results  are  not  so  very  bad 
as  reported.  But  the  details  are  discouraging,  and  the  more 
I  hear  the  more  I  fear  for  the  end.  However,  it  is  useless 
to  sit  here  giving  expression  to  doubts  and  hopes  and  fears 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  151 

altogether  fluctuating,  vague,  and  uncertain.  Like  Macbeth, 
I  'm  sick  at  heart  (Seyton,  I  say !).  If  the  worst  comes  to 
the  worst,  I  am  determined  to  serve  in  the  intrenchments. 
My  hands  are  not  of  much  use  in  working,  but  my  head 
might  be  in  directing.  I  have  more  than  once  spoken  to  you 
of  my  new  experience  of  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  "  rumors 
of  war."  The  "  catching "  nature  of  fear,  the  idea  of  con- 
sternation,  are  both  brought  out  in  this  crisis.  There  is  an 
old  croaker  here,  who,  himself  a  Pennsylvanian,  is  made  one 
half  a  secessionist  by  a  Southern  wife.  He  has  been  in  the 
department  this  morning,  and  has  reminded  me  of  Edgar 
Poe's  raven.  One  listens,  or  thinks  he  ought  to  listen,  with 
respect  to  the  words  of  a  man  who  talks  upon  matters  per 
taining  to  his  own  profession  ;  but  this  croaking  dog,  whose 
wishes  half  created  his  opinions  and  statements,  presented 
such  a  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  army,  its  losses  and 
defeats,  as  made  me  want  to  choke  him.  ...  It  is  raining 
hard,  and  the  gloomy  weather  adds  to  the  depression  occa 
sioned  by  the  melancholy  news. 

July  23d.  Yesterday  was  a  day  of  the  deepest  gloom. 
It  was  a  day  that  recalled  the  scenes  of  history  and  historical 
painting,  in  novels  and  in  the  drama.  Great  excitement  pre 
vailed.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  people  stood  about  in 
groups  and  talked  mysteriously,  or  listened  to  some  straggler 
from  the  other  side.  Many  countenances  wore  an  expression 
of  alarm,  all  of  anxiety.  It  was  a  long  time  before  the 
clerks  could  get  to  work  ;  they  sat  in  listless  apathy.  Wood- 
hull,  who  was  among  the  most  excited,  burst  out,  while  I  was 
sitting  at  the  desk  writing,  into  expressions  of  astonishment 
at  what  he  called  my  coolness ;  though,  as  there  was  no 
danger  immediately  threatening  us,  there  was  no  occasion  for 
the  exhibition  of  coolness.  He  was  running  round  in  the 
pouring  rain  as  if  set  in  motion  by  springs,  and  unable  to 
keep  still.  Such  was  the  alarm  that  the  storm  which  hung 
the  heavens  in  black  was  hailed  with  delight  as  an  impedi- 


152  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ment  to  the  march  of  the  rebels,  who,  it  was  feared,  would 
follow  up  their  retreating  foes  and  invade  the  capital.  I 
shared,  of  course,  in  the  alarm  and  depression ;  but  after  I 
had  made  up  my  mind  to  put  on  my  uniform  and  go  into 
the  intrenchments  in  the  event  of  an  attack,  I  felt  better, 
wrote  all  the  morning  and  two  hours  in  the  evening.  .  .  . 
This  morning  the  alarm  has  somewhat  subsided,  and  a  sterner 
feeling  has  taken  its  place.  I  presume  that  now  the  necessity 
for  establishing  large  camps  for  training,  as  in  Europe,  will 
be  recognized,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  brought  into 
the  field  to  render  all  opposition  useless.  This  defeat  puts 
us  upon  our  mettle.  If  we  cannot  rise  superior  to  it,  if  we 
are  not  stimulated  to  greater  exertion  by  it,  we  are  unworthy 
to  succeed.  But  I  feel  the  strongest  assurance  that  the  people 
are  fully  equal  to  the  trial  to  be  sustained  and  the  effort  to 
be  made. 

July  24th.  We  are  having  an  awful  time  here  in  Washing 
ton.  I  have  witnessed  alarms  on  board  ship,  but  those  were 
on  a  small  scale.  A  panic  in  a  great  city,  and  that  city  the 
capital  of  the  country,  is  quite  another  thing.  You  know 
we  speak  of  some  people  in  the  common  intercourse  of  life 
as  being  desponding,  as  taking  a  melancholy  view  of  things, 
looking  on  the  dark  side.  But  now,  for  the  first  time,  I 
understand  what  an  alarmist  is ;  and,  next  to  an  incendiary, 
he  is  the  greatest  curse  and  pest  of  society  in  time  of  war 
or  general  calamity.  He  runs  about  reciting  in  the  ear  of 
every  one  whatever  he  has  heard  or  can  invent  of  horrible, 
dispiriting,  disastrous,  unfortunate,  and  discouraging;  and 
gives  to  his  language  additional  force  and  emphasis  by  winks 

and  shrugs  and  grimaces  and  whisperings.     Mr. J  is  one 

of  these  men.     They  are  like  the  persons  who  delight  to  tell 
stories   of  fearful  accidents  and   dreadful   calamities.     Mr. 

has  been  keeping  everybody  who  would  listen  to  him  in 

a  state  of  anxiety  by  alarming  statements,   duly  authenti- 
1  Name  suppressed;  not  a  historical  personage. 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  153 

cated,  that  the  enemy  is  approaching  in  force,  that  our  army 
is  demoralized  and  disorganized,  and,  finally,  that  the  cause 
is  lost.  I  told  him  that  I  was  sick  and  tired  of  his  croaking, 
and,  for  my  part,  would  rather  die  at  once  than  endure  the 
thousand  daily  deaths  he  put  the  victims  of  his  fears  to.  I 
seldom  have  passed  a  more  unpleasant  day  than  this,  and  I 
shall  be  glad  when  the  arrival  of  more  troops  and  of  General 
McClellan  silences  the  alarmists. 

July  25th.  I  dined  with  Du  Pont  at  Bache's  yesterday, 
and  I  did  hope  when  I  left  the  office  that  I  should  get  rid  of 
"war's  alarms,"  the  hopes  and  fears  of  war,  but  the  conver 
sation  at  the  dinner-table  was  upon  no  other  subject ;  and 
when  I  returned  home  at  half  past  ten  o'clock  my  landlady 
told  me  that  Mr.  So-and-So  and  Mr.  So-and-So  had  just 
been  in  to  tell  her  that  the  enemy  would  be  here  before  the 
morning,  and  that  we  should  all  be  carbonadoed  and  eaten, 
and  plundered  and  sold  for  slaves ;  and  this  morning  Mr. 
has  begun  his  croaking  as  soon  as  I  got  to  the  depart 
ment.  But  I  hear  that  the  troops  who  suffered  in  the  battle 
have  been  replaced  by  new  regiments ;  and  no  anxiety  is  felt, 
as  far  as  I  can  see,  by  those  whose  judgment  is  to  be  relied 
upon.  Still,  I  shall  not  feel  easy  till  more  men  arrive,  and 
to-day  and  to-morrow  must  be  days  of  care  and  apprehension, 
founded,  in  my  case,  principally  on  my  ignorance  of  the  facts 
and  inability  to  make  up  an  opinion.  If  we  are  in  danger, 
the  superior  officers  of  the  army  must  be  singularly  incapable 
and  inefficient.  But  I  think  we  are  not  in  danger,  and  I 
hope  soon  to  eat  my  meals  in  peace,  and  cease  to  sleep  in 
the  affliction  of  such  disagreeable  dreams  as  were  occasioned 
by  my  drinking  a  double  allowance  of  chasse  after  coffee, 
there  being  both  white  and  red  curac.  oa  on  the  table  last  even 
ing. 

July  30th.  It  is  quite  an  exercise  of  mental  discipline  to 
collect  my  thoughts  enough  to  write  to  you  amid  all  the  dis 
tractions  of  this  office.  But  the  effort  it  costs  is  a  profitable 


154  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

one,  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  I  shall  experience  real  benefit 
from  it  in  some  future  emergency  of  life.  Every  now  and 
then  it  comes  over  me  with  a  newer,  deeper,  and  more  solemn 
impression,  that  we  are  in  the  midst  of  civil  war ;  and,  still 
worse,  that  the  end  of  that  war  has  been  indefinitely  post 
poned,  and  the  conflict  rendered  more  bloody  than  it  would 
have  been,  by  the  recent  unfortunate  defeat.  Last  Sunday 
I  heard  confidentially  a  brief  explanation  of  General  Scott's 
plan  of  the  campaign.  If  he  had  been  allowed  to  carry  it 
out,  it  would  have  been  praised  by  history  as  wise  and  suc 
cessful.  The  premature  movement  into  which  the  general 
was  forced  by  public  clamor,  acting  directly  and  through  the 
Cabinet,  has  put  things  back  without  doubt.  Still,  if  it  has 
no  worse  results  than  the  defeat  of  Bull  Run,  it  will  prove 
nothing  more  than  a  mortification,  —  and  a  mortification  we 
needed  to  check  our  presumption  and  teach  us  prudence. 
Nullum  numen  abest,  si  sit  prudentia.  Since  General  Mc- 
Clellan's  arrival,  there  has  been  a  manifest  improvement  in 
certain  things,  commenced,  however,  before  he  came.  Imme 
diately  after  the  battle,  there  were  quantities  of  stragglers 
about  the  streets  from  the  disorganized  and  demoralized  regi 
ments,  and  many  of  them  drunk  and  dangerous.  A  stop  has 
been  put  to  this ;  the  stragglers  have  been,  most  of  them, 
sent  to  their  regiments,  and  a  provost  marshal  has  been  ap 
pointed  to  prevent  the  liquor-shops  from  selling  to  the  sol 
diers.  Twenty  thousand  and  more  men  have  come  through 
Baltimore,  most  of  whom  have  come  on  to  Washington.  Still, 
the  apprehension  of  Johnston's  movements  has  not,  I  believe, 
entirely  abated.  It  is  a  novel  and  by  no  means  pleasant  thing 
to  be  on  the  tiptoe  of  fearful  expectation,  always  on  the  watch 
for  the  alarm  bell.  If  a  gun  is  heard,  the  second  and  third 
are  looked  for  at  the  regular  interval  that  sounds  the  signal 
to  arms.  If  there  is  continued  firing,  people  rush  to  the  tele 
graph  office  to  know  if  there  is  an  attack  on  the  fortified 
camp  on  the  other  side.  We  are  more  quiet  now,  however. 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  155 

August  3d.  I  asked  General  Totten,  in  conversation  the 
other  evening,  why,  after  all,  the  advance  was  made  ;  and 
his  answer  was  that,  to  begin  with,  we  felt  sure  of  success, 
and  would  have  been  disappointed  if  General  Johnston  had 
been  a  jot  less  enterprising ;  and  then,  we  could  afford  to 
meet  with  a  repulse,  and  were  justified  in  taking  the  chance 
in  a  case  where  victory  would  have  had  such  magnificent 
results.  If  the  Confederates  had  been  defeated,  they  could 
never  have  made  such  a  demonstration  again.  They  would 
have  dissipated,  not,  like  the  witches  of  Macbeth,  into  thin 
air,  but  into  thick  air.  It  was  not,  however,  in  the  calcula 
tions  of  General  Scott,  or  his  council,  that  they  would  suffer 
such  an  overwhelming  repulse,  or  they  never  would  have 
risked  the  capital  as  they  did.  General  Scott  said  (as  Gen 
eral  Totten  added)  that  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  with  the 
manner  in  which  the  army  was  commanded,  and  most  of  the 
divisions  led,  in  the  field. 

August  5th.  Our  mess  has  been  increased  by  the  addition 
of  Major  Barry  of  the  artillery.  He  has  recently  returned 
from  Fort  Pickens,  and  has  a  countenance  bronzed  by  long 
exposure  to  the  sun  and  weather.  He  told  me  that  the 
horses  of  his  battery  had  traveled  so  much  in  railroad  cars 
and  on  board  ship  from  port  to  port,  that  they  would  go  on 
board  ship  or  enter  a  railroad  car  like  men,  and  that  during 
his  last  voyage  from  Fort  Pickens  they  were  taken  from  the 
stalls  and  walked  about  the  decks.  Prince  Napoleon  was  at 
the  headquarters  of  General  McDowell  yesterday,  and  re 
ceived  from  him  an  explanation  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Kun, 
with  the  maps.  He  was  very  much  interested,  and  passed 
two  hours  with  the  general.  ...  I  asked  Major  Barry  if  the 
defeat  was  denied  ;  he  laughed  and  said,  by  no  means.  It  is 
evident  that  there  is  altogether  too  much  good  sense  and  manli 
ness  to  attempt  to  conceal  the  truth ;  and  there  is  a  healthy 
moral  determination  to  turn  the  lesson  of  loss  and  humiliation 
to  the  best  possible  account.  This  is  very  grand  and  hopeful. 


156  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

August  6th.  I  like  my  new  messmate,  Major  Barry,  very 
much.  He  is  possessed  of  great  bonhomie  and  sociability, 
and  being,  as  he  is,  at  the  head  of  the  artillery  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  I  hear  a  good  deal  from  him  that  is  inter 
esting.  Last  night  he  went  over  the  various  forts,  fortified 
camps,  and  military  posts  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Potomac, 
from  Alexandria  to  Harper's  Ferry.  I  have  never  had  so 
strong  a  feeling  of  security  as  after  the  recital  from  him, 
accompanied  by  some  military  details. 

I  recur  incessantly  to  my  new  experiences  in  this  most 
interesting  and  exciting  period,  and  I  think  you  will  be  tired 
of  hearing  me  say  how  sick  I  am,  heartsick,  of  the  despond 
ing  and  doubtful,  — -  the  Van  Twillers  of  society.  Hence 
forth  I  shall  set  them  down  in  my  tablets  ;  my  soul  will  take 
note  of  them ;  they  have  become  repulsive  to  me ;  I  have 
discovered  that  they  are  naturally  antipathetic  to  my  incli 
nations  and  temper.  I  won't  say  anything  more  about  it, 
but  can't  you  imagine  how  excessively  annoying  it  must  be 
to  be  harassed  by  vague  alarms  and  tormented  by  unmeaning 
and  indefinite  doubts ?  —  "I  don't  see  how  things  are  to  end," 
and  "  I  fear  that,  after  all  the  fighting  is  done,  we  shall  be 
no  better  off  than  now,"  and  so  forth,  and  so  forth. 

History  only  performs  its  office  when  it  teaches  by  exam 
ple.  Yet  how  few  endeavor  to  interpret  the  passing  events 
by  reflecting  upon  them  some  light  borrowed  from  the  mirror 
of  history ! 

On  the  18th  of  September  Davis  was  detached  from 
the  Bureau  of  Detail  and  from  all  duties  in  Washington, 
and  relinquished  at  the  same  time  the  directorship  of 
the  "  Nautical  Almanac,"  and  he  was  appointed  fleet 
captain  and  chief  of  staff  of  the  South  Atlantic  Block 
ading  Squadron,  under  the  command  of  Flag  Officer 
Du  Pont.  Up  to  this  time  the  blockade  of  the  whole 


WASHINGTON  IN  1861  157 

Atlantic  coast  from  Chesapeake  Bay  to  the  Straits  of 
Florida  had  been  under  one  command;  but  a  division 
was  now  made  into  two  squadrons,  and  an  expedition, 
already  alluded  to,  was  fitted  out  to  operate  in  accord 
ance  with  the  plans  prepared  in  the  conference  during 
the  summer,  and  in  this  expedition  Davis  took  his  place. 
He  proceeded  to  New  York,  where  most  of  the  ships 
for  the  expedition,  and  for  the  new  blockading  squad 
ron,  were  preparing  for  sea,  and  for  the  next  month  he 
was  busily  engaged  in  the  equipment  and  organization 
of  this  large  force. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION 

THE  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  dated 
December  2,  1861,  contains  the  following :  — 

A  seizure  of  some  of  the  important  ports  on  the  coast  com 
manded  the  early  and  earnest  attention  of  this  department. 
It  was  found  that  naval  stations  and  harbors  of  refuge  dur 
ing  the  tempestuous  seasons  would  be  indispensable  if  hos 
tilities  were  to  be  continued,  and  the  stations  thus  secured 
could  also  be  made  the  points  of  offensive  military  opera 
tions.  Shortly  after  the  attention  of  the  government  was 
drawn  to  this  subject,  a  board  was  convened  under  the  aus 
pices  of  the  Navy  Department,  consisting  of  Captains  Samuel 

F.  Du  Pont  and  Charles  H.  Davis  of  the  navy,  Major  John 

G.  Barnard  of  the  army,  and  Professor  Alexander  Bache  of 
the  coast  survey,  to  whom  a  thorough  investigation  of  the 
coast  and  harbors,  their  access  and  defenses,  was  committed. 
Several   elaborate   and  valuable   reports   of  great   interest, 
exhibiting  in  minute  detail   the   position,  advantages,   and 
topographical  peculiarities  of  almost  every  eligible  point  on 
the  coast,  were  the  results  of  this  important  commission. 

In  view  of  the  data  thus  presented,  two  combined  naval 
and  military  expeditions  have  already  been  organized  and  put 
in  action.  Such  cooperation  and  concert  of  action  between  the 
two  arms  of  the  public  service  were  indispensable  ;  for,  though 
the  navy  alone  might  assail  and  capture  batteries  in  some 
positions,  it  was  not  within  its  province  or  power  to  retain  or 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  159 

garrison  them.  The  operations  on  shore  manifestly  pertained 
to  the  army,  and  on  such  occasions,  as  soon  as  the  military 
forces  were  ready  for  these  expeditions,  the  navy  was  fully 
prepared  and  eager  for  immediate  action. 

After  some  delays,  an  expedition  to  Hatteras  Inlet,  on  the 
coast  of  North  Carolina,  where  piratical  depredations  had 
become  extremely  annoying,  was  undertaken.  Flag  Officer 
Stringham  commanded  in  person  the  naval  forces  on  this 
occasion,  and  Major-General  Butler  had  command  of  the 
small  military  detachment  of  about  eight  hundred  men  which 
cooperated  with  the  navy.  The  expedition  was  eminently 
successful  in  the  attack  upon  and  capture  of  Forts  Hatteras 
and  Clark.  The  entire  garrison,  under  the  command  of 
Samuel  Barron,  recently  and  for  nearly  fifty  years  an  officer 
of  the  navy,  surrendered  after  sustaining  great  loss,  while 
not  a  life  was  sacrificed  nor  an  individual  of  the  Union  forces 
wounded.  .  .  .  The  military  force  was  inadequate  to  follow 
up  this  brilliant  victory  by  securing  a  position  upon  the  main 
land,  and  there  propitiating  and  protecting  the  loyal  feeling 
which  had  begun  to  develop  itself  in  North  Carolina. 

It  was  intended  that  the  success  at  Hatteras  should  have 
been  followed  in  September  by  a  more  formidable  expedition, 
and  the  seizure  of  a  more  important  position  farther  south. 
Owing  to  various  causes,  independent  of  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  or  the  condition  of  the  navy,  this  movement  was  un 
avoidably  postponed  until  the  29th  of  October,  when  a  fleet 
of  forty-eight  sail,  including  transports,  a  larger  squadron 
than  ever  before  assembled  under  our  flag,  left  Hampton 
Roads.  Captain  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont,  then  recently  ap 
pointed  flag  officer,  an  officer  of  great  skill  and  experience, 
and  possessing  the  entire  confidence  of  the  department,  was 
selected  to  command  this  expedition.  In  addition  to  his  gen 
eral  professional  ability,  he  had,  through  careful  study  and 
investigation  as  chairman  of  the  board  which  had  been  ordered 
in  June,  special  qualification  and  thorough  preparation  for 


160  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  highly  important  and  responsible  position  assigned  to 
him.  Informed  of  the  policy  and  views  of  the  government 
in  regard  to  the  expedition,  prompt  to  execute  its  wishes,  and 
having  made  himself  familiar  with  every  eligible  port  on  the 
southern  Atlantic  coast,  he,  as  commander  of  the  expedition, 
was  intrusted  with  the  selection,  within  prescribed  limits,  of 
the  place  where  the  first  assault  should  be  made. 

After  encountering  the  severest  storm  that  has  visited  this 
coast  during  the  present  season,  which  partially  dispersed  the 
squadron,  causing  the  wreck  of  several  of  the  transports,  and 
compelling  even  some  of  the  smaller  vessels  of  the  navy  to 
put  back,  the  fleet,  by  the  merciful  interposition  of  Provi 
dence,  was  preserved,  and  appeared  before  Port  Koyal,  one 
of  the  best  though  neglected  harbors  on  our  Southern  coast, 
on  the  fifth  day  of  November.  So  soon  as  the  channel  could 
be  buoyed  out  and  other  preliminary  measures  accomplished, 
assaults  were  made  on  the  well-built  and  thoroughly  armed 
forts,  Beauregard  and  Walker.  Consummate  naval  strategic 
skill  and  the  most  admirable  gunnery  were  exhibited  in  the 
attack,  which  was  of  such  tremendous  effect  that  General 
Drayton  and  the  rebel  army  surrendered  their  strongholds, 
fled  the  coast  with  precipitation,  leaving  their  property, 
armament,  and  papers,  while  our  naval  forces  took,  and  still 
hold,  quiet  possession  of  one  of  the  finest  harbors  on  the 
Atlantic  seaboard. 

A  mere  glance  at  the  chart  will  show  that  on  the 
southern  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States,  while  the 
harbors  are  generally  shallow  and  the  shoal  water  extends 
some  distance  off  shore,  the  land  itself  is  cut  up  into 
innumerable  islands  formed  by  a  network  of  rivers  and 
sounds,  which  makes  it  possible  to  approach  the  prin 
cipal  seaports,  in  vessels  of  light  draught,  from  points 
of  entrance  from  the  ocean  quite  remote  from  the  cities 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION"  161 

themselves.  A  vessel  can  reach  Savannah,  for  instance, 
by  entering  the  Saint  Mary's  River  at  Fernandina, 
eighty  miles  to  the  southward ;  or  can  approach  Charles 
ton  by  entering  at  North  Edisto  and  passing  through 
the  Stono  River  and  Walloo  Creek.  Such  a  geographical 
condition  enhanced  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  an 
effective  blockade  of  the  coast,  a  difficulty  still  further 
increased  by  the  neighborhood  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
the  possession  of  a  virtually  hostile  power,  which  be 
came  the  entrepot  of  the  profitable  business  of  blockade- 
running.  Here  the  ships  from  England  could  enter 
freely  and  refit,  and  from  this  point  contraband  cargoes 
could  be  dispatched  in  light-draught  vessels,  which 
could  slip  into  any  one  of  the  numerous  inlets  of  the 
coast,  in  water  too  shallow  to  permit  the  close  approach 
of  a  vessel  of  war. 

The  possession  and  control  of  these  inland  waters 
would  not  only  effectually  close  the  principal  avenues 
for  this  traffic,  but  would  be  also  a  great  advantage 
from  a  purely  military  point  of  view.  By  operations  in 
these  waters  it  became  possible,  with  the  active  coopera 
tion  of  land  and  naval  forces,  to  turn  the  defenses  of 
the  seaports  themselves,  as  was  actually  done  in  the 
case  of  Fort  Pulaski  at  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah 
River,  and  this  control  offered  the  true  strategic  advan 
tage  for  the  approach  and  capture  of  the  Southern 
cities.  It  has  been  shown  in  a  previous  chapter  that 
such  operations  were  proposed  by  the  mixed  conference 
in  July;  and  it  has  also  been  shown  why  it  was  prob 
ably  impossible  to  carry  out  these  plans.  Had  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run  been  a  victory  instead  of  a  defeat, 


162  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

it  might  have  been  possible  to  send  a  sufficient  army 
into  Georgia,  and  to  have  carried  on  a  regular  invasion, 
with  the  reduction  of  the  principal  cities,  simultaneously 
with  the  great  struggle  for  the  Mississippi  River  which 
began  in  1861  and  only  ended  with  the  surrender  of 
Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  in  July,  1863.  But  even 
then  the  operations  would  have  to  be  carried  on  upon  a 
vast  scale,  and  it  is  probably  a  fortunate  thing  that  not 
only  the  people  of  the  North,  but  their  leaders,  failed 
to  comprehend  in  1861  the  magnitude  of  the  task  be 
fore  them. 

The  Port  Royal  Expedition,  therefore,  is  an  isolated 
event,  and  not  one  of  a  regular  series  forming  a  cam 
paign.  Its  results  bore  directly  upon  the  blockade, 
and  in  this  respect  were  important.  Flag  Officer 
Du  Pont  attempted  with  the  means  at  his  disposal,  and 
with  the  by  no  means  harmonious  cooperation  of  a 
totally  inadequate  land  force,  to  carry  out  the  original 
plans  of  the  conference;  and  the  occupation  of  Port 
Royal  Bay  was  immediately  followed  by  operations  in 
inland  waters,  the  capture  of  Tybee  Island,  Fort  Pu- 
laski,  Fernandina,  Jacksonville,  and  other  important 
points.  The  expedition  consisted  of  forty-eight  ships, 
of  which  only  fifteen  were  men-of-war,  the  rest  being 
transports  and  supply  vessels,  and  some  of  these  small 
and  unseaworthy  craft,  including  even  river  ferry-boats; 
but  this  did  not  include  a  fleet  of  twenty-five  colliers 
which  sailed  on  the  day  previous  to  the  departure  of 
the  expedition.  The  army  was  commanded  by  General 
Thomas  W.  Sherman. 

The   battle   took   place   on   November   7th.      Fort 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  163 

Walker,  on  Hilton  Head,  the  south  side  of  Port  Royal 
Bay,  was  a  regularly  constructed  work,  mounting  in  all 
twenty-three  guns  of  various  calibres ;  and  on  the  oppo 
site  shore,  at  Bay  Point,  was  Fort  Beauregard,  mount 
ing  twenty  guns.  The  width  of  the  bay  between  the 
forts  was  more  than  two  miles.  Included  in  the  de 
fenses  of  Port  Royal  was  a  flotilla  of  gunboats  under 
Commodore  Tatnall,  formerly  of  the  United  States 
Navy. 

As  has  been  said,  the  selection  of  the  point  of  assault 
was  left  to  Du  Pont.  The  Navy  Department  had  rather 
favored  Fernandina,  but  the  convincing  argument  was 
the  depth  of  water  at  Port  Royal,  which  permitted  the 
largest  vessels  of  the  navy  to  enter ;  and  thus  the  pri 
mary  object  of  the  expedition,  a  port  of  refuge  and 
depot  of  supplies  for  the  blockading  squadron,  was 
better  gained  at  Port  Royal  than  at  any  other  harbor 
on  the  coast. 

In  the  attack1  the  order  of  battle  was  in  a  single 
column,  headed  by  the  flagship  Wabash,  the  other 
ships,  in  order,  being  the  Susquehanna,  Mohican, 
Seminole,  Pawnee,  Unadilla,  Ottawa,  Paulina,  and 
the  sailing  sloop  Vandalia,  towed  by  the  Isaac  Smith. 
A  flanking  squadron,  consisting  of  the  gunboats  Bien- 
ville,  Seneca,  Curlew,  Penguin,  and  Augusta,  was  in 
tended  to  engage  the  flotilla  under  Tatnall.  The  plan 
of  attack  was,  to  stand  in  with  the  main  squadron 
in  mid-channel,  engaging  Fort  Beauregard  first,  and 
turning  above  the  forts.  This  manoeuvre  enabled  the 

1  See  Admiral  Porter's  spirited  description  of  this  action,  Naval  His 
tory  of  the  Civil  War,  chap.  vi. 


164  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ships  to  take  the  more  powerfully  armed  Fort  Walker 
on  its  upper  and  weakest  flank.  In  passing  Fort 
Walker  the  engines  were  slowed  to  just  sufficient  speed 
to  preserve  the  order  of  battle,  and  Fort  Walker  en 
gaged  at  close  range,  and  the  ships  turned  in  succession 
below  the  forts  and  repeated  the  manoauvre,  engaging 
Fort  Walker  with  the  port  battery.  The  flanking  line 
also  engaged  Fort  Beauregard  at  the  same  time  that 
the  main  squadron  was  occupied  with  Fort  Walker ;  and 
a  division  of  the  gunboats  also  enfiladed  the  latter  from 
above,  for  Commodore  Tatnall  had  discreetly  with 
drawn  his  flotilla  into  Skull  Creek,  and  took  no  part  in 
the  battle.  At  the  first  broadside  from  the  ships  the 
fort  replied  with  great  spirit,  but  as  the  ships  began  to 
get  the  range  they  pitched  shell  from  their  nine  and 
eleven  inch  guns  into  the  midst  of  the  gunners ;  and 
when  the  squadron  swept  by  Fort  Walker  from  the 
north,  after  turning  above  the  forts  for  the  second 
time,  the  fire  was  withering.  Again  the  ships  turned 
into  the  harbor,  and  delivered  their  broadsides  at  even 
closer  range.  This  was  too  much  for  the  Confederates, 
who  fled  helter-skelter  from  their  works.  Commander 
John  Rodgers  was  sent  ashore  and  hoisted  the  flag  over 
Fort  Walker ;  and  the  commander  of  Fort  Beauregard, 
seeing  Fort  Walker  abandoned,  also  evacuated  his  post. 
Beauregard  had  not  been  considered  as  an  important 
point  of  attack,  but  had  been  engaged  at  long  range 
as  the  main  column  passed. 

The  direct  results  of  this  victory  were  good.  It  came 
at  a  time  when  the  Union  arms  had  been  generally  un 
successful,  and  it  inspired  confidence  at  the  North.  It 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  165 

also  had  a  good  moral  effect  abroad,  and  it  served  as  a 
lesson  to  the  navy  as  to  what  wooden  ships  could  do 
against  fortifications,  and  set  the  pace,  so  to  speak, 
for  future  naval  operations  in  the  same  line.  Its  bene 
ficial  effect  in  tightening  the  bands  of  the  blockade  has 
already  been  noted.  This  first  naval  achievement  of 
the  war  has  been  overshadowed  by  the  later  actions  in 
the  Gulf,  perhaps  for  the  reason  already  given,  that  it 
was  an  isolated  event;  but  the  action  itself  is  worth 
study,  because  it  affords  a  striking  and  almost  unique 
example  of  the  capture  of  fortifications  by  ships.1  The 
tactics  of  the  battle,  which  were  Davis' s  own,  were  mas 
terly;  and  yet,  as  will  presently  appear,  the  order  o£ 
attack  was  changed  at  the  very  last  moment.  The 
day  before  the  fight,  a  reconnoissance  was  made  in  force 
to  draw  the  full  fire  of  the  forts ;  and  from  the  infor 
mation  thus  gained  a  change  of  plan  resulted,  which 
was  not  communicated  to  the  fleet  until  it  went  into 
action.  This  shows  the  perfect  discipline  of  the  fleet, 
and  the  confidence  of  the  flag  officer  in  himself  and  in 
his  command.  The  army  took  no  part  whatever  in  the 
attack,  but  remained  outside  in  its  transports,  in  a  state 
of  some  anxiety  and  suspense,  until  the  flag  over  Fort 
Walker  announced  the  victory  of  the  ships.  It  would 
be  premature  at  this  point  to  trace  the  ulterior  results 
of  this  action ;  and  with  this  brief  preamble  the  narra 
tive  of  the  expedition  may  now  be  given  in  Davis' s  own 
language.  The  letters  are  addressed  to  his  wife :  — 

1  This  chapter  was  written  before  the  war  with  Spain.  There  is  a 
striking  similarity  in  the  method  of  attack  between  Commodore  Dewey's 
action  in  Manila  Bay  and  the  battle  of  Port  Royal. 


166  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

U.  S.  S.  WabasTi,  Oct.  18,  1861.  We  are  entering 
Hampton  Roads,  and  I  must  prepare  a  single  line  to  let  you 
know,  not  our  arrival,  for  that  you  will  learn  by  telegraph,  but 
that  I  am  well,  and  that  we  have  had  a  splendid  voyage.  We 
have  had  a  profitable  one,  too ;  the  time  has  been  passed  in  all 
sorts  of  practice,  and  in  the  exercise  of  day  and  night  signals. 
This  will  give  us  a  good  start  on  our  next  trip. 

You  shall  hear  from  me  again  by  the  next  mail,  and  by 
every  mail  while  we  are  here,  though  I  shall  not  have  much 
to  say.  You  will  be  very  anxious  to  know  if  we  have  come 
to  any  decision  about  our  locus  in  quo.  We  have  not,  yet, 
and  shall  not  till  we  have  had  an  opportunity  to  consult  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  though  the  final  decision  of  the  question  rests 
with  the  commodore,  who  is  the  commander  in  chief,  and 
ranks  with  a  major-general.  But  General  S.  is  entitled  to 
be  called  into  council.  You  will  not  be  left  in  doubt,  you 
may  be  assured,  if  the  matter  is  determined  before  leaving 
here,  and  you  may  rely  also  on  my  adherence  to  my  first  plan, 
unless  I  should  be  fully  and  fairly  convinced  of  the  expedi 
ency  of  an  alteration.  The  whole  subject  will  be  well  weighed. 

Hampton  Roads,  Oct.  20th.  Our  transports  are  still  at 
Annapolis;  not  the  first  one  has  come  down  yet.  We  are 
glad  to  be  so  far  in  advance  of  them ;  and  not  sorry  to  be 
delayed,  the  weather  being  rough  and  easterly. 

Hampton  Roads,  Oct.  21st.  It  has  been  blowing  very  fresh 
all  day,  and  the  weather  has  been  boisterous.  In  the  worst 
of  the  storm,  Newport  News  was  threatened  with  an  attack, 
and  we  sent  up  two  gunboats  by  signal.  Of  our  squadron, 
two  men-of-war  belonging  to  the  navy  proper,  and  four  or 
five  of  the  purchased  steamers,  great  and  small,  have  arrived 
to-day.  Since  dark,  several  steamers  have  anchored  near  us, 
and  it  is  probable  they  belong  to  the  fleet  of  transports. 

Hampton  Roads,  Oct.  24th.  Last  night  we  had  a  long  coun 
cil  of  the  generals  and  ourselves,  lasting  way  into  the  small 
hours,  in  which  much  was  discussed  and  nothing  decided.  This 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  167 

morning  the  council  was  renewed  at  nine  o'clock.  We  are 
grievously  disappointed  in  Mr.  Boutelle's 1  not  arriving.  It 
was  distinctly  understood  by  Du  Pont  and  myself  that  Mr. 
Boutelle  was  to  come  here  post-haste  and  leave  the  Vixen  to 
follow.  More  than  a  week  has  elapsed  and  he  is  not  here. 
The  truth  is,  no  doubt,  that  Bache  did  not  want  him  to  go 
without  the  Vixen,  in  order  that  he  might  have  a  coast  survey 
vessel  in  the  affair.  We  have  decided  in  council  to  wait  till 
Saturday  morning.  But  as  to-day  is  pleasant,  it  is  a  pity  to 
lose  it. 

Hampton  Koads,  Oct.  25th.  According  to  present  appear 
ances,  this  will  not  be  the  last  letter  you  will  receive  from 
Hampton  Roads.  The  wind  went  round  the  wrong  way,  and, 
by  a  rule  that  never  fails  in  our  climate,  the  easterly  storms 
never  clear  up  entirely  until  the  wind  goes  round  by  the  south 
to  west.  If  we  go  to  sea  to-morrow  we  shall  commit  a  folly 
knowingly,  and  against  the  best  judgment  of  the  fleet ;  and 
yet  we  may  go,  for  it  is  a  not  uncommon  fate  of  such  expedi 
tions  to  be  driven  by  the  force  of  public  expectation,  and  the 
impatience  of  public  feeling,  to  move  against  the  opinions 
and  wishes  of  its  leaders.  I  speak  from  no  selfish  motive, 
for  the  bad  weather  would  not  affect  this  ship.  The  small, 
overloaded  and  overcrowded  steamers,  low  in  the  water,  would 
be  the  chief  sufferers.  I  trust  better  counsels  will  prevail. 

General  Sherman  came  on  board  this  afternoon,  and  was 
received  with  a  salute.  His  staff  accompanied  him ;  and  now 
we  are  full,  having  five  in  the  cabin.  I  felt  obliged  to  offer 
to  give  up  my  room  to  General  Sherman,  and  Rodgers2  very 
generously  insisted  upon  giving  up  his.  But  Du  Pont  would 
not  consent  to  either  proposition.  I  must  confess,  or,  as  the 

1  Mr.  C.  O.  Boutelle,  assistant  of  the  coast  survey,  detailed  to  assist  in 
the  hydrographic  work  of  the  squadron,  on  account  of  his  particular  local 
acquaintance  with  the  Southern  coast. 

2  Captain,  afterwards  Rear  Admiral  Christopher  Raymond  Perry 
Rodgers,  a  lifelong  friend  of  Davis,  commanded  the  Wabash. 


168  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

phrase  is,  I  am  free  to  confess,  that  I  was  very  glad  to  have 
my  own  offer  rejected,  which  is  a  little  piece  of  selfishness  in 
me.  I  know,  however,  that  the  sofa  we  put  the  general  on  is 
as  good- as  a  bed,  —  is,  in  fact,  made  for  abed,  with  a  sacking 
bottom,  and  that  otherwise  he  is  more  comfortable  here  than 
on  board  his  steamer,  where  he  was  not  only  cabin'd,  as  here, 
but  cribbed  also,  and  confined ;  whereas  here  he  is  sof a'd  and 
unconfined, — bound  in  to  no  saucy  doubts  and  fears. 

Saturday,  half  past  one.  Mr.  Boutelle  arrived  on  board 
this  morning  before  I  was  dressed  entirely,  and  the  whole 
morning  was  spent  in  all  sorts  of  consultations,  business, 
worry,  fret,  and  interruption. 

Hampton  Roads,  Oct.  26th.  Before  closing  my  last  note 
I  told  you  that  Mr.  Boutelle  had  arrived.  He  was  very  wel 
come  ;  nothing  could  have  supplied  the  loss  of  his  knowledge 
of  the  ground.  He  made  the  triangulation,  the  groundwork 
of  the  survey,  of  the  whole  coast  of  South  Carolina,  and  he 
possesses  a  taste  for  topographical  details,  and  a  faculty  of 
observing,  and,  so  to  speak,  of  interpreting  them,  which  are 
truly  wonderful.  He  lives  with  us  in  the  cabin,  so  there  are 
now  six  of  us. 

The  first  thing  after  breakfast  was  to  send  for  the  other 
generals  and  have  another  council  of  war.  The  charts  and 
maps  are  reproduced,  including  many  new  ones  from  Wash 
ington.  The  generals  talked  over  the  matter  with  Mr.  Bou 
telle,  while  Du  Pont  and  I  wrote  without  cessation,  preparing 
the  final  orders,  and  particularly  the  secret  orders  communi 
cating  the  place  of  rendezvous  in  the  event  of  separating. 

To  return  to  the  council :  Mr.  Boutelle  answered  all  their 
questions  and  removed  all  their  scruples,  and  they  came 
heartily  into  the  new  plan  of  operations.  He  satisfied  me 
upon  the  only  point  about  which  I  felt  anxious ;  that  is,  the 
easy  and  certain  entrance  of  this  ship  into  the  place.1  The 
presence  of  this  ship  makes  whatever  we  undertake  much 
1  Port  Royal  Bay. 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  169 

more  secure,  and  is  a  more  influential  fact  with  me  than  any 
other.  And  this  fact,  added  to  the  other  two  I  mentioned  in 
one  of  my  former  notes,  —  first,  that  the  whole  fleet  has  a  har 
bor  at  once,  beyond  the  reach  of  the  batteries,  and,  second, 
that  the  points  may  be  assailed  one  by  one,  —  decides  my  opin 
ion.  I  suppose  the  matter  may  be  considered  as  now  settled 
and  determined.  You  will,  no  doubt,  be  interested  in  know 
ing  what  my  impression  is  of  the  military  commander  of  the 
expedition,  now  that  I  have  been  two  days  living  with  him, 
and  seen  him  in  council.  He  strikes  me  as  clever,  candid, 
and  clear-minded,  but  not  as  being  a  man  with  an  uncommon 
grasp,  of  a  heroic  cast  of  mind,  or  of  an  equable  or  well- 
controlled  temper.  His  reputation  in  the  army  is  that  of  an 
excellent  soldier,  and  a  very  excitable  and  passionate  man. 
Among  the  generals  are  two  I  have  known  before,  and  been 
associated  with,  —  General  Stevens,  who  as  Major  Stevens 
was  assistant  in  charge  of  the  coast  survey  office,  and  who  was 
on  the  commission  on  Cape  Fear  River  of  which  I  was  a  mem 
ber  ;  and  General  Wright,  who  was,  when  Captain  "Wright, 
on  the  commission  on  the  St.  John's  River,  Florida,  of  which 
I  was  senior  member  by  appointment  from  General  Totten. 

Now  that  everything  is  ready,  we  are  very  impatient  to  be 
off.  The  weather  looked  promising  this  morning,  and  Du 
Pont  ordered  the  signal  for  getting  up  steam  to  be  made  to 
the  whole  fleet ;  but  the  wind  drew  back  to  the  eastward 
again  and  the  fog  set  in,  and  the  signal  for  preparation  was 
annulled.  To-night  it  is  raining,  and  although  we  are  disap 
pointed,  we  are  glad  not  to  be  at  sea  with  our  ferry-boats  and 
little  tugs  in  a  dark,  rainy  night,  when  it  would  be  impossible 
to  observe  any  order  of  sailing,  and  when  collisions  would  be 
almost  unavoidable. 

Hampton  Roads,  October  26th.  The  number  of  vessels  in 
our  whole  fleet  is  seventy-five  ;  but  of  these  a  large  number 
are  sailing  vessels  loaded  with  coal  and  heavy  stores,  not 
required  for  immediate  use,  most  of  which  belong  to  the 


170  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

army.  We  send  down,  under  a  special  convoy,  all  but  three 
or  four  of  the  largest  and  most  important  of  these  freight 
vessels  ;  leaving  about  forty-eight  to  form  our  own  fleet,  con 
sisting  exclusively  of  steamships  except  the  three  just  men 
tioned,  which  are  to  be  towed.  This  harbor  of  Hampton 
Roads  looks  like  a  great  city,  so  numerous  are  the  lights.  It 
is  frequently  observed  that  so  many  American  vessels,  ready 
for  sea,  were  never  seen  together,  for  you  must  remember  that 
Commodore  Goldsborough  is  here  in  the  Minnesota,  with 
some  of  his  squadron,  men-of-war,  storeships,  steam  tugs,  etc. 

Sunday  morning,  October  27th.  It  is  blowing  a  gale  from 
the  north-northeast.  To  go  to  sea  now  would  be  to  condemn 
to  certain  loss  some  of  our  small  vessels,  and  to  expose  the 
troops  and  horses  in  the  transports  to  great  suffering.  Du 
Pont  bears  the  delay  like  a  man  ;  but  General  Sherman  frets 
under  it  very  much,  and  has  been  talking  about  landing  the 
troops  on  account  of  water. 

These  delays  are  the  trials  of  our  patience  and  temper ;  a 
part  of  the  anxieties  of  our  condition.  They  are  to  be  met 
and  borne  with  fortitude  and  good  temper. 

Monday  morning.  We  are  doomed  to  the  severest  trial  of 
delay  and  defeated  expectation.  This  morning  it  is  bitter 
cold,  the  north  wind  strong,  and  the  weather  utterly  unfit  for 
small  vessels.  One  of  our  small  craft  came  in  from  New 
York  last  evening,  having  barely,  and  wonderfully,  escaped 
destruction.  Her  escape  is  the  merest  wonder.  She  is 
knocked  to  pieces,  and  will  require  large  repairs.  This  is 
bad  for  us.  Every  day's  delay  creates  some  new  difficulty, 
and  adds,  probably,  to  the  amount  of  work  to  be  done  when 
we  reach  our  destination. 

Two  o'clock.  Our  great  apprehension  has  been  about 
water,  of  which  we  consume  nineteen  thousand  gallons  a  day. 
After  endless  talk  and  anxiety  about  it,  it  is  discovered  that 
two  of  the  steamers  alone  can  make  forty  thousand  gallons  a 
day.  Whence,  therefore,  the  tears  ? 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  171 

"We  shall  probably  sail  to-morrow  morning  at  five  o'clock. 

Flagship  Wabash  (at  sea),  October  31st.  I  told  you  in  my 
letter  by  the  pilot  that  we  sailed  very  early  Tuesday  morning. 
It  took  some  time  for  fifty  ships  to  get  under  way,  especially 
as  they  were  to  move  in  an  established  order  which  brought 
them  all,  in  point  of  speed,  to  a  level  with  the  dullest.  It 
was  well  we  started  early.  The  greater  part  of  the  day  was 
consumed  in  getting  to  sea,  and  in  forming  the  lines  and 
columns  that  constituted  the  order  of  sailing.  I  had  pre 
pared  a  circular,  and  a  plan  of  the  order.  Fifty  copies  of 
the  last  were  distributed  throughout  the  fleet,  and  each  cap 
tain  was  distinctly  informed  of  his  position  and  enjoined  to 
keep  it.  The  captains  of  the  men-of-war,  and  the  heads  of 
the  columns  (leading  ships),  were  furnished  with  the  circular, 
or  sailing  directions. 

The  idea  of  the  order  of  sailing  is  to  place  the  long  line 
abreast  of  the  men-of-war  in  front,  to  command  way,  and 
range  the  transports  in  three  columns  ahead,  in  the  rear  of 
the  line  abreast,  and  protected  by  two  men-of-war  on  each 
flank  and  two  in  the  rear,  to  cover  both  sides  and  the  rear, 
and  bring  in  the  stragglers.  I  was  most  agreeably  surprised 
to  see  the  aptness  and  accuracy  with  which  the  transports 
took  their  several  positions  in  line.  By  evening  every  one 
was  in  his  place,  as  near,  at  least,  as  was  to  be  expected,  and 
the  columns  were  distinctly  formed  with  their  leaders  ahead. 
In  the  afternoon  we  fell  in  with  the  Bienville,  one  of  the 
finest  of  the  new  steamers,  commanded  by  a  fine  fellow,  Com 
mander  Steedman,1  belonging  to  our  squadron,  but  not  quite 
ready  when  we  sailed.  She  was  towing  the  Brandywine,  an 
old  frigate  converted  into  a  storeship,  and  designed  to  lie  in 
Hampton  Roads  for  the  convenience  of  the  squadron.  We 
telegraphed  to  Steedman  where  to  find  his  orders,  and  to  use 
dispatch. 

This  was  very  satisfactory,  the  Bienville  being  a  very  ser- 

1  Afterwards  Rear  Admiral  Charles  Steedman. 


172  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

viceable  vessel  on  many  accounts,  and  her  commander  a  great 
friend  of  Du  Font's. 

The  appearance  of  the  fleet  at  night  was  as  impressive  as  it 
was  uncommon.  I  have  generally  pursued  my  solitary  way 
across  the  ocean,  and  never  known  what  it  was  to  be  in  com 
pany  with  more  than  two  ships  at  a  time,  and  that  seldom. 
A  light  at  night  in  the  open  sea  has  rather  been  regarded  as 
an  object  of  apprehension,  particularly  if  the  night  was  dark, 
because,  before  finding  out  the  direction  in  which  the  stranger 
was  standing,  there  was  a  fear  of  running  foul  of  him.1  But 
now,  at  night,  the  sea  is  covered  with  lights  at  every  point  of 
the  horizon,  on  both  sides  and  astern.  Ahead  there  are  none, 
because  this  ship  is  the  centre  of  the  leading  line.  But  view 
ing  the  scene  from  the  quarter-deck,  the  absence  of  lights  in 
the  direction  of  the  ship's  head  is  not  felt.  Steamers  carry 
several  lights  each,  of  which  the  one  on  the  port  side  is  red 
and  that  on  the  starboard  side  green.  Variety  was  not  or  is 
not  wanting,  therefore,  to  add  to  the  glitter  and  effect  of  the 
show.  We  seem  to  be  in  the  midst  of  a  populous  community, 
and  yet  we  do  not  lose  the  feeling  of  being  at  sea.  I  am  more 
than  charmed  with  the  sight.  I  think  of  similar  expeditions 
that  have  figured  in  history ;  of  great  fleets  that  have  followed 
the  poop-lantern  of  distinguished  admirals  ;  and  I  see  now,  as 
I  never  did  before,  how  these  looked  in  reality  which  we  have 
only  known  about  in  story.  One  great  contrast  presents  itself 
to  the  mind,  and  that  is,  the  vast  superiority  of  this  fleet  over 
those  of  preceding  times  in  the  use  of  steam.  I  now,  for  the 
first  time  in  my  life,  feel  a  sympathy  I  never  knew  before 
with  the  delays  and  tedious  detentions  caused  by  contrary 
winds  and  calms,  in  the  management  of  great  expeditions  and 
the  cruises  of  great  fleets.  What,  for  example,  must  Nelson 

1  Running  lights,  as  at  present  used  and  required  at  sea,  were  not 
adopted  until  about  1860.  Previous  to  that  time  ships  carried  a  white 
light  on  the  bowsprit  cap;  and  in  squadron  the  flagship  carried  a  poop- 
lantern. 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  173 

have  suffered,  when  he  was  searching  for  the  French  fleet  in 
the  Mediterranean,  or  when  he  followed  it  to  the  West  Indies 
and  back,  from  opposing  winds,  from  gales  that  obliged  him 
to  lie  to,  and  from  calms  ?  Patience  is  more  necessary  at  sea 
than  elsewhere. 

The  morning  of  Wednesday  (the  30th)  broke  very  fair. 
The  sky  was  as  clear  as  summer,  the  wind  moderate  and 
bracing,  and  the  sea  smooth.  But  in  the  course  of  the  day 
the  aspect  of  things  changed  unfavorably.  Our  course  carried 
us  off  shore,  and  the  sea  became  gradually  more  rough  as  the 
distance  from  the  land  increased.  The  weather  would  have 
been  regarded  as  altogether  favorable  but  for  the  smaller 
vessels.  They,  however,  began  to  complain ;  and  one  of  the 
ferry-boats,  which  seemed  to  be  making  excellent  way  and 
breasting  the  seas  nobly  in  the  morning,  gave  out  and  hoisted 
her  flag  upside  down.  We  sent  a  vessel  to  her  assistance, 
and  before  night  set  in  she  and  several  other  of  the  smallest 
vessels  of  the  fleet  had  disappeared  under  the  charge  of  one 
of  our  side-wheel  men-of-war,  very  well  suited  for  such  a  pur 
pose.  The  great  body  of  the  fleet,  however,  remained ;  and 
again,  after  the  darkness  came  on,  I  gave  myself  up  to  the 
admiration  of  the  scene,  most  beautiful  in  itself,  and  eloquent 
with  suggestion  and  association.  But  the  night  proved  to  be 
one  of  great  and  unnecessary  anxiety.  We  passed  that  dread 
of  seamen,  Hatteras,  and,  though  the  time  was  in  all  respects 
as  propitious  as  the  heart  of  man  could  desire,  the  proceeding 
was  threatened  with  disaster.  We  had  signaled  to  the  fleet 
before  sunset  to  sound  frequently  during  the  night.  Rodgers 
navigated  this  ship  with  great  judgment:  after  feeling  the 
projecting  talon  of  the  Cape  with  the  lead,  we  passed  over 
into  deep  water  and  hauled  in  to  the  westward.  At  quarter 
before  three  I  was  called  and  informed  that  a  transport  had 
thrown  up  ten  rockets,  and  at  half  past  three  one  of  the  fleet 
made  signal  that  she  was  aground.  The  first  of  the  signals 
was  a  general  one  of  distress.  We  could  render  no  assist- 


174:  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ance.  This  great,  lumbering  ship  would  not  go  to  wind 
ward,  where  the  transport  was,  with  her  merely  auxiliary 
power  of  steam.  She  must  be  left,  whatever  her  distress 
might  be,  to  her  more  light-footed  companions.  The  last 
signal  had  the  effect  on  me  which  practice  is  said  to  have 
upon  unwilling  students  of  arithmetic,  —  "it  made  me  mad.'' 
We  were  then  thirteen  miles  from  the  outer  shoal,  and  the 
statement  was  absurd.  It  came  from  one  of  our  own  vessels, 
and  I  called  for  an  explanation,  but  none  was  made.  The 
truth  was,  that  the  ground-swell  being,  as  it  almost  always  is 
on  this  broken  ground,  very  heavy,  the  captain  got  alarmed, 
which  was  excusable  enough. 

To  finish  this  part  of  our  story,  it  was  afterwards  reported 
to  us  (the  next  afternoon)  that  two  or  three  of  the  fleet  had 
struck  on  the  shoal.  If  true,  it  was  the  result  of  the  grossest 
carelessness.  But  I  incline  to  the  opinion  now,  that  they 
were  deceived  by  the  swell,  which  was  really  terrible,  and 
occasionally  let  the  ship  down  with  such  force  that  she  seemed 
to  have  struck  the  ground,  instead  of  the  sea  at  the  bottom  of 
the  hollow  of  the  wave. 

The  next  day,  Thursday,  the  date  at  the  head  of  this 
journal,  the  weather  was  beautiful,  warm,  balmy,  with  light 
winds,  and  the  smooth  surface  of  a  summer's  sea. 

Yesterday  we  counted  forty-two  sail  in  sight  after  our  tugs 
and  ferry-boats  parted  company.  This  morning  the  number 
was  reduced  to  thirty-six,  but  afterwards  went  up  to  forty  as 
the  day  advanced,  and  we  waited  for  their  coming  up. 

Thursday  was  a  day  never  to  be  forgotten.  I  told  Du  Pont 
it  was  the  weather  I  had  bargained  for,  in  answer  to  his  good- 
naturedly  twitting  me  with  the  bad  weather,  or  sea,  of  yester 
day.  The  established  lines  of  sailing  were  kept ;  the  quiet 
sea  was  filled  with  the  life  of  our  great  fleet.  Signals,  tele 
graphic  communications,  and  occasional  hails  conveyed  the 
orders,  or  communicated  the  news  of  the  day.  It  was  impos 
sible  to  leave  the  deck.  The  scene  was  enchanting;  and  as  I 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  175 

looked  abroad  on  the  ocean  covered  with  our  ships  of  war 
and  transports,  the  pride  of  the  navy  and  the  strength  of  the 
army,  I  participated  in  the  glow  and  ardor  and  elation  of 
heart  inspired,  no  doubt,  by  the  Armada  of  Spain,  and  at 
tributed  and  attributable  to  the  commanders  of  all  similar 
expeditions  (I  sympathize  with  the  commander  of  this),  and 
which  proves  sometimes  to  be  the  pride  that  goeth  before  a 
fall.  In  the  pride  of  his  heart, 

"  He  counted  them  at  break  of  day,  — 
But  when  the  sun  set,  where  were  they  ?  " 

Nov.  3d.  If  I  experienced  any  of  the  puffing-up  of  the 
spirit  to  which  I  have  alluded,  and  which  the  philosophical 
teachings  of  my  reflections  condemn,  the  change  brought  by 
Friday  morning  (the  1st)  was  suited  to  rebuke  it.  The  first 
thing  I  was  told  was  that  it  rained,  and  that  the  wind  had 
hauled  round  to  the  eastward,  which  sounded  the  knell  of 
good  weather ;  the  second,  that  the  Isaac  Smith  (one  of  our 
purchased  war  steamers)  had  hoisted  a  signal  of  distress ; 
the  third,  that  the  smallpox  had  broken  out  on  board  the 
Vanderbilt,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  crowded  of  the 
transports. 

With  regard  to  the  last  calamity,  we  had  nothing  to  do  but 
recommend  the  isolation  of  the  case  and  trust  to  its  not  spread 
ing.  The  trouble  of  the  Isaac  Smith  proceeded  from  a  col 
lision  by  which  her  starboard  bow  above  the  deck  was  stove 
in.  We  sent  her  the  means  of  repairing  the  injury.  Just  at 
this  time  fortune  smiled  upon  us  by  the  rejoining  of  the  Bien- 
ville,  which  was  a  most  acceptable  addition  to  our  force.  She 
had  carried  her  tow  into  Hampton  Koads,  and  hurried  off  to 
catch  up  with  us  before  we  reached  Port  Eoyal.  But  the 
worst  of  our  trials  was  the  weather.  The  wind  and  sea  in 
creased  alarmingly  for  the  small  craft;  and  the  sky  put  on 
that  appearance  which  an  intelligent  judge  of  the  weather 
on  our  coast  never  mistakes.  We  knew  that  we  were  going 
to  have  a  southeaster,  a  gale  of  short  duration,  seldom  last- 


176  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ing  more  than  six  hours  at  its  height,  and  much  less  violent 
than  our  hurricanes,  but  still  very  violent  in  its  crisis,  accom 
panied  by  a  sea  dangerous  to  small  vessels,  and  with  a  heavy, 
blinding  rain  that  makes  things  appear  worse  than  they  really 
are.  Before  night  the  Isaac  Smith  asked,  by  signal,  for 
help.  We  sent  the  Atlantic  and  Florida  to  her  assistance ; 
and  to-day  the  former  informs  us  that  she  stayed  by  her  till 
ten  o'clock,  and  left  her  to  the  Florida,  who  did  not  leave 
her.  We  have  not  yet  seen  either  of  them,  and  don't  know 
how  the  poor  Isaac,  Smith  got  through  the  night.  But  I 
have  gone  in  advance  of  my  tale  to  dispose  of  this  special 
case.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  day,  all  the  smaller  vessels  of 
the  fleet  began  to  "  lie  by,"  as  the  phrase  is,  which  means 
taking  the  most  advantageous  position  for  meeting  the  gale 
without  regard  to  the  course,  —  the  Vixen,  Bache's  vessel, 
among  them.  Seeing  they  were  distressed  by  the  weather, 
we  made  a  general  signal  to  heave  to,  hoping  thereby  to  keep 
company.  But  as  the  wind  and  sea  rose,  the  sternmost  vessels, 
and  those  on  the  weather  quarter,  dropped  out  of  sight.  By 
dark  our  number  was  sadly  reduced,  and  about  ten  o'clock, 
when  the  storm  raged  the  loudest,  we  entertained  the  most 
anxious  fears  for  the  safety  of  one  or  two  of  the  weakest  and 
least  stanch  of  our  little  companions,  and  to  these  fears  was 
added  the  dread  of  collision.  On  board  this  great  ship,  such 
an  accident  was  little  alarming  on  our  account.  But  if  we 
had  fallen  on  board  one  of  the  transports  she  must  inevitably 
have  gone  to  the  bottom. 

The  violence  of  the  wind,  the  height  of  the  sea,  the  storm 
of  rain,  and  the  pitchy  darkness  made  it  impossible  to  avoid 
collision,  or  to  render  assistance  after  it  had  occurred.  Thank 
God,  we  escaped  this  horror ;  we  have  yet  to  hear  whether 
all  were  equally  fortunate. 

Our  own  situation  during  the  night  had  been  made  uncom 
fortable  by  our  shipping  a  heavy  sea  in  Du  Font's  stern  port, 
which  he  had  carelessly  left  open,  and  by  a  little  forcing  of 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  177 

the  water  through  the  uncalked  ports.  In  truth  we  had  not 
thought  so  much  of  a  gale  as  a  battle,  and  were  not  prepared 
for  the  former.  Most  of  the  passengers  passed  an  uncomfort 
able  night,  through  anxiety  of  mind  as  well  as  the  violent 
motion  of  the  ship ;  and  even  the  most  experienced  went  to 
bed  late  and  slept  watching. 

Saturday  morning  (Nov.  2d)  opened  with  the  usual  appear 
ance  of  a  storm  at  sea,  —  an  angry  sky,  rain,  wind,  and  a 
general  appearance  of  discomfort  on  board  and  of  desolation 
on  the  dreary  waste  of  waters;  wet  decks,  darkness  below, 
and  great  motion.  But  the  most  impressive  feature  of  the 
scene  was  the  solitude.  We  had  sailed  from  our  port  with  a 
fleet  of  fifty  ships ;  the  ocean  was  alive  with  our  numbers ; 
and  now  we  were  scattered  in  a  storm,  and  of  our  companions 
only  eight  could  be  discerned  with  difficulty  and  rarely,  as 
the  rain  and  heavy  mist  abated  and  cleared  away  at  short  and 
infrequent  intervals. 

We  passed  a  grave  and  thoughtful  day.  In  the  course  of 
it,  the  Mayflower,  a  small  river  steamer  never  designed  to 
encounter  the  perils  of  the  open  ocean,  hoisted  her  ensign 
union  down ;  it  was  evident  from  her  conduct  that  she  was 
abandoned  to  despair.  She  was  drifting  like  a  log  towards 
the  Gulf  Stream,  where  she  must  have  foundered,  in  her  help 
less  condition,  unless  picked  up.  We  ran  down  to  her ;  but 
this  ship  is  too  clumsy  and  slow,  and  too  little  under  control 
with  her  steam,  to  play  round  a  little  frail  thing  like  the  May 
flower  in  a  heavy  sea.  At  this  juncture  the  Atlantic,  Captain 
Eldridge,  came  to  the  rescue.  She  is  one  of  the  gigantic  sea- 
steamers  of  the  Collins  Line.  Eldridge  handled  her  like  a 
boat,  with  wonderful  boldness  and  address;  he  managed  to 
get  a  hawser  on  board  and  took  her  in  tow. 

Du  Pont  thanked  Eldridge  by  signal  to-day  for  this  act, 
and  for  his  general  activity  in  the  fleet,  a  compliment  he  has 
well  deserved.  In  the  afternoon  the  Coatzacoalcos  came 
within  hail  and  told  us  that  she  leaked  badly,  and  must  run 


178  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

in  shore  under  the  lee  of  the  land  and  out  of  the  heavy  sea. 
We  sent  the  Augusta,  one  of  our  few  remaining  comrades 
and  men-of-war,  to  stay  by  and  take  care  of  her.  We  had 
the  satisfaction  to  learn  from  the  Atlantic,  the  Bienmlle, 
the  Coateacoalcos,  and  the  Augusta  during  Friday  and  Satur 
day  that  no  vessel  had  been  injured,  or  stranded  on  Hatteras 
Shoals ;  that  a  tug  and  a  ferry-boat  had  anchored  in  Hatteras 
Cove,  and  that  the  other  tug  and  ferry-boat  had  gone  back  to 
Hampton  Roads.  So  no  one  of  these  smallest  and  weakest 
vessels  has,  probably,  been  exposed  to  the  southeast  gale. 

About  half  past  two  Saturday  morning  the  wind  shifted 
suddenly  to  the  westward,  from  which  quarter  it  blew  with 
great  strength  all  day.  Last  night  it  moderated.  When  we 
made  a  signal  in  the  course  of  the  night  to  change  the  course, 
there  was  only  one  single  answer.  Our  old  friend  Ammen  * 
stuck  to  us  in  all  weathers,  and  only  parted  company  this 
morning,  when  Du  Pont  sent  him  to  Charleston  to  bring  along 
Lardner  in  the  Susquehanna. 

To-day,  Sunday,  the  sky  and  sea  have  been  growing  milder, 
and  to-night  (it  is  now  9.40  p.  M.)  the  weather  is  most  beauti 
ful.  There  is  not  a  cloud  visible.  We  are  standing  in  for 
Port  Royal,  and  will  anchor  soon  outside  the  bar.  To-morrow 
we  shall  begin  an  examination  of  the  channels.  I  have  some 
terrible  stories  to  tell  of  the  disasters  among  the  lighter 
vessels  of  the  squadron.  Some  of  the  men-of-war  have  not 
joined.  But  I  must  stop  here,  for  all  is  in  the  bustle  and 
hurry  of  getting  ready  for  action. 

Vixen,  Port  Royal  Entrance. 

MY  DEAR  Du  PONT,  — All  the  vessels  of  war  can  come  in, 
under  the  Curlew's  pilotage,  as  far  as  we  are,  except  the 
WdbasJi  and  Susquehanna,  and  perhaps  you  had  better  send 
them.  I  am  in  sight  of  the  enemy's  works  and  shipping. 

1  Later  Rear  Admiral  Daniel  Ammen  ;  commanded  the  Seneca,  gun 
boat.  He  had  served  with  Davis  on  the  coast  survey. 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  179 

All  goes  well.     I  am  writing  on  the  extremity  of  a  vibrating 
cylindrical-shaped  concern. 

You  can  send  in  the  transports  this  afternoon. 

Yours  affectionately, 

CHAS.  DAVIS. 

Flagship  Wabash,  Port  Royal  Bay,  Nov.  5th.  We  ran 
aground  going  in  towards  the  batteries.  We  were  obliged  to 
anchor  and  give  up  the  attempt,  on  account  of  the  hour's 
being  so  late.  We  make  the  attack  to-morrow  morning  after 
an  early  breakfast. 

Nov.  8th.  Let  me  begin  by  saying  that  yesterday,  after 
breakfast,  we  got  under  way  and  went  in,  in  a  prescribed 
order,  the  plan  of  which,  after  I  had  made  it  out  with  study, 
was  communicated  to  the  captains  of  the  squadron,  who  were 
summoned  on  board  for  that  purpose.  We  tripped  the  anchor 
at  ten  minutes  after  eight,  and  sent  on  shore  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  Hilton  Head  batteries,  to  which  we  had  devoted 
our  principal  attention  (at  half  past  two).  Having  cause  to 
think  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  also  his  fortifications  on 
the  Bay  Point  side,  Du  Pont  detached  a  squadron  of  four 
vessels  to  take  a  position  in  the  river  above  Bay  Point,  to 
take  possession  if  the  enemy  should  have  fled,  and  to  prevent 
the  destruction  of  public  property.  Du  Pont's  official  report1 
will  give  a  most  accurate  account  of  the  affair,  and  as  I  am 
consulted  in  the  composition  of  it  I  need  not  repeat  here  the 
details  it  contains,  as  I  am  compelled  to  write  in  great  haste. 
The  excitement  and  gratification  resulting  from  this  victory 
are  greater  to-day  than  yesterday  evening,  when  we  were 
fairly  worn  out  with  the  day's  work.  All  the  captains,  or 
most  of  them,  came  on  board  last  evening  and  drank  a  glass 
of  wine  on  the  event,  and  they,  with  some  of  the  army  people, 
stayed  till  we  were  glad  to  have  them  go.  After  they  had 

1  For  the  official  report  and  accompanying  documents,  see  the  Report 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  for  the  Year  1861,  Appendix. 


180  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

gone,  Du  Pont,  Raymond,  and  John  Rodgers  and  myself  sat 
down  in  the  after  cabin  and  discussed  the  incidents  of  the 
day,  a  most  interesting  discussion,  as  you  may  imagine. 

The  first  shot  was  fired  at  about  twenty-six  minutes  after 
nine,  and  the  American  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  sacred  soil  of 
South  Carolina  about  half  past  two.  The  engagement  was 
not  continuous,  in  consequence  of  the  plan  on  which  it  was 
conducted,  which  I  shall  explain  by  and  by.  While  it  did 
last,  and  while  we  were  in  front  of  the  Hilton  Head  batteries, 
the  chief  object  of  attack,  the  firing  was  very  rapid  on  both 
sides. 

You  must  endeavor  to  picture  to  yourself  the  whole  scene, 
and  a  most  important  and  interesting  feature  of  it  was  the 
presence  of  some  fourteen  thousand  of  our  countrymen  on 
board  the  twenty  transports  and  troop  ships  anchored  four  or 
five  miles  below,  who  were  safe  and  undisturbed  spectators 
of  the  battle.  Their  feelings  must  have  been  most  wrought 
upon  by  the  events  of  the  day,  on  which  their  own  fortunes 
hung,  as  well  as  ours.  We  were  told  that  the  sight  of  the 
American  flag  over  the  batteries  was  greeted  by  tears,  rather 
than  cheers,  so  deep  were  the  emotions  of  the  spectators. 

I  must  go  back  a  little  into  the  story  of  events.  Beginning 
on  Tuesday,  the  5th,  we  considered  our  bringing  this  ship 
into  the  roadstead,  over  the  bar,  as  a  bold  thing.  No  ship  of 
the  size  had  attempted  it  before,  and  we  employed  only  a  day 
in  verifying  the  channel  and  placing  the  buoys,  the  old  ones 
having  been  removed  by  the  rebels.  The  Wdbash  led  the 
way.  The  bar  is  two  miles  long ;  we  knew  that  we  had  only 
three  feet  to  spare  in  several  places.  The  success  of  our 
enterprise  depended  on  our  getting  the  ship  in ;  and,  though 
there  was  no  hesitation  about  making  the  attempt,  it  cost  us 
some  anxiety. 

We  anchored  in  safety  in  the  upper  roadstead,  about  four 
miles  below  the  batteries,  at  about  ten  o'clock,  and  proceeded 
at  once  to  clear  the  ship  for  action.  But  to  make  the  prepa- 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  181 

rations  complete  and  get  rid  of  our  guests  occupied  us  until 
a  late  hour.  One  of  the  most  necessary  of  these  preparations 
was  to  place  a  buoy  on  the  end  of  the  shoal  which  we  had  to 
turn  going  into  the  upper  harbor.  The  buoy  was  put  down 
a  little  too  low,  and  got  ashore  very  luckily  for  us,  for  the 
day  was  nearly  spent,  and  a  night  attack,  I  am  now  satisfied, 
would  have  been  attended  with  confusion.  The  squadron 
had  not  been  long  enough  together  to  move  in  sufficient  har 
mony  for  a  night  attack,  —  a  dangerous  thing,  except  where 
there  is  very  perfect  discipline  and  cooperation. 

So  we  dropped  back  to  our  old  berths  and  determined  to 
wait  till  morning.  Du  Pont  took  this,  as  he  has  every  other 
disappointment,  with  the  greatest  coolness  and  patience.  His 
equanimity  is  remarkable. 

The  6th  was  a  fair,  bright  day,  without  a  cloud,  and  wholly 
propitious,  in  every  respect  but  one,  to  our  undertaking.  It 
blew  a  gale  of  wind,  and,  to  make  it  as  bad  as  possible,  the 
wind  and  tide  were  in  the  same  direction.  In  a  professional 
view,  there  was  no  doubt,  there  could  be  no  doubt,  that  the 
day  was  very  unfavorable  to  us,  and  that  to  engage  on  such  a 
day  was  to  give  the  rebels  a  great  advantage.  Still,  all  on 
board  felt  the  moral  pressure  upon  us,  —  the  force  of  public 
expectation,  —  the  imputation  that  delay  might  possibly  pro 
ceed  from  an  excess  of  prudence,  and  the  impatience  of  our 
countrymen  who  were  to  be  released  from  their  prisons,  in 
which  they  had  already  been  cooped  up  three  weeks.  We 
knew  they  were  murmuring. 

1  But  after  all,  as  I  said  while  in  consultation,  would  we 
engage  under  these  unfavorable  circumstances,  if  it  were  not 
for  this  moral  pressure ;  would  we  think  of  it ;  and  are  we 
justified  in  acting  against  our  professional  judgment,  unani 
mous,  too,  in  obedience  to  other  people's  opinions  about  mat 
ters  they  don't  understand  ?  Wise  counsels  prevailed,  and  we 
postponed  the  attack  till  the  next  day. 

In  the  evening  General  Sherman  and  his  brigadiers  came 


182  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

on  board,  the  former  in  a  state  of  mind  bordering  on  despair. 
The  ship  Ocean  Express,  containing  all  his  heavy  ordnance 
and  almost  all  his  field  ammunition,  had  not  arrived,  and  he 
had  given  her  up  for  lost ;  and  he  was  in  great  doubt  what 
to  do,  even  if  the  forts  were  silenced  and  his  landing  was 
secured.  He  had  no  great  guns.  But  Du  Pont  comforted 
him  with  the  promise  of  the  upper  battery  of  this  ship  if 
the  Ocean  Express  did  not  appear. 

You  must  make  it  a  point  to  get  a  "  Herald."  One  of  its 
reporters1  has  been  posted  by  us  very  fully,  and  probably 
you  will  hear  a  great  deal  more  from  him  than  I  ever  said 
or  knew. 

I  shall  make  it  a  point  to  send  you  a  plan  of  the  battle,  the 
order  and  positions  of  which,  and  the  mode  of  entering  action, 
are  mine;  and  I  am  rather  pleased  with  them.  You  need 
attach  no  importance  to  newspaper  sketches. 

Do  not  think  that  I  am  forgetful  of  my  duty  and  gratitude 
to  God  for  his  great  mercy  to  us.  I  read  immediately  after 
the  action  the  collect  of  thanksgiving  after  victory,  as  I  did 
the  prayer  before  battle  on  the  eve  of  the  engagement. 

Port  Royal,  Nov.  10th.  The  Bienville,  which  takes  home 
the  news  of  our  success  and  the  mails,  has  just  left.  I  wish 
I  could  be  with  you  when  the  news  arrives !  What  a  relief 
from  painful  anxieties,  from  harassing  fears  !  All  the  more 
so  that  you  have  no  doubt  heard,  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
Southern  papers,  that  we  have  suffered  a  repulse,  —  a  good  lie 
for  a  moment's  self-deception,  and  for  an  excuse  for  a  little 
bar-room  indulgence. 

What  they  called  a  repulse  was  either  the  interchange  of  a 
few  shots  at  long  range  between  the  gunboats  and  the  rebel 
steamers  on  Monday  evening,  when  the  gunboats  and  lighter 
transports  entered,  and  before  this  ship  was  in  the  harbor; 
or  it  was  the  reconnoissance  of  Tuesday  morning,  the  object 

1  Adam  Badeau  represented  the  Herald  as  special  correspondent  with 
the  expedition. 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  183 

of  which  was  to  draw  the  fire  of  all  the  batteries,  to  ascertain 
their  positions,  and,  as  near  as  possible,  their  force.  It  seems 
to  me  that  we  of  the  North,  as  a  general  thing,  differ  from 
the  people  of  the  South  in  this  respect,  particularly,  that  we 
deal  more  fairly  with  our  own  souls.  We  do  not  try  to  per 
suade  ourselves  that  a  defeat  is  a  victory,  or  to  call  a  recon- 
noissance  a  repulse.  But  the  mention  of  this  reconnoissance 
brings  me  to  the  connecting  link  of  the  narration  I  broke  off 
at  the  end  of  my  last  letter.  It  was  made  in  force,  as  the 
expression  is;  that  is,  with  a  sufficient  display  of  force  to 
invite  an  attack,  and  induce  the  enemy  to  show  his  strength 
and  positions.  He  would  suppose  an  attack  was  designed 
when  it  was  not. 

Our  part  of  the  affair  was  well  conducted,  but  the  enemy 
fired  at  once,  just  as  we  wished  him  to  do,  instead  of  holding 
his  fire  and  tempting  the  ships  too  near  the  batteries.  The  in 
formation  we  obtained  that  morning,  and  other  circumstances 
I  shall  mention,  decided  our  plan  of  attack.  I  have  already 
told  you  that  we  made  every  preparation  for  an  attack  on 
Tuesday  afternoon,  got  under  way,  and  were  prevented  from 
going  in  by  getting  ashore.  I  have  spoken,  too,  of  the  gale 
of  Wednesday,  and  the  consequent  postponement  of  the  affair. 
(I  am  very  much  afraid  that  in  writing  in  this  desultory  way 
I  shall  repeat  myself.) 

It  now  seems  to  me  providential  that  we  were  prevented 
from  going  in  when  we  first  intended,  for  the  moment  I  woke 
up  Thursday  morning,  before  I  had  fairly  got  my  eyes  open, 
it  occurred  to  me  that  while  the  direct  approach  to  Fort 
Walker  (Hilton  Head)  had  the  advantage  of  avoiding  the 
fire  of  Beauregard  (Bay  Point),  leaving  us  to  reserve  all  our 
force  and  all  our  fire  for  the  former,  —  an  advantage  I  had 
perhaps  thought  too  much  of,  —  yet  that  I  had  overlooked  an 
other  advantage,  which,  on  reflection,  I  felt  convinced  ought 
not  to  be  thrown  away ;  and  that  was  the  advantage  arising 
from  making  an  approach  to  Fort  Walker  from  the  north, 


184  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

on  which  side  we  could  enfilade  the  water-faces  of  the  bat 
tery,  and  encounter  the  fort  at  the  beginning,  on  its  weakest 
flank.  To  be  sure,  we  had  to  pass  Fort  Beauregard,  and 
begin  the  day  with  an  unnecessary  engagement  that  would 
contribute  nothing  to  the  main  object  of  the  day's  work ;  and 
if  I  had  known  the  existence  and  position  of  that  venomous 
rifled  eighty-pounder  on  the  salient  of  Fort  Beauregard,  to 
the  fire  of  which  we  were  exposed  as  we  advanced,  and,  still 
more,  if  I  had  known  the  rapidity  and  accuracy  with  which  it 
was  to  be  served,  I  should  have  indulged  in  a  little  more 
reflection  perhaps.  Every  shot  from  that  pestilental  devil, 
which  was,  I  imagine,  directed  by  a  navy  officer  (resigned), 
either  struck  us  or  went  within  forty  feet  of  the  bridge  on 
which  Du  Pont,  the  Kodgerses  (John  and  Raymond),  the  first 
lieutenant  (Corbin),  and  myself  were  standing.  It  was  evi 
dently  aimed,  according  to  the  Southern  custom,  at  the  offi 
cers,  and  aimed,  I  have  no  doubt,  by  some  one  of  our  old 
brother  officers  turned  rebel. 

I  went  to  Du  Font's  stateroom  without  waiting  to  dress, 
and  communicated  my  change  in  the  plan  of  attack,  to  which 
he  consented  immediately.  He  left  the  whole  of  these  ar 
rangements  to  me. 

The  delay  had  enabled  us  to  complete  some  details  of 
preparation  before  omitted.  We  took  a  leisurely  breakfast 
at  seven  (Du  Pont,  happily,  takes  all  things  leisurely),  and 
got  under  way  at  eight.  And  here  I  stop  to  assist  Du  Pont 
in  writing  the  official  detailed  report  of  the  battle,  which  you 
must  consider  a  part  of  this  letter  to  you,  though  you  will  see 
it  first  in  the  newspapers  probably. 

I  have  passed  the  greater  part  of  the  day  and  evening  in 
drawing  up  the  report  and  directing  the  preparation  of  a  plan. 
I  am  surprised  to  see  how  much  more  strongly  the  idea  of  a 
plan  is  impressed  upon  my  mind  than  on  the  minds  of  others. 
It  really  seemed  to  me  as  if  the  notion  of  a  carefully  matured 
plan  of  action  had  not  been  distinctly  entertained  by  any  one 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  185 

but  myself.  A  very  imperfect  view,  prepared  by  one  of  the 
lieutenants,  who  confessed  to  me  afterwards  that  he  did  not 
know  that  there  was  any  fixed  plan  of  attack,  excited  great 
admiration.  I  was  quite  disgusted  to  find  that  the  thought 
and  study  bestowed  on  the  battle  beforehand  had  been  so 
little  appreciated. 

I  will  try  to  send  you  the  rough  draught  of  that  part  of 
the  report  in  which  the  order  of  battle  and  plan  of  attack  are 
treated.  In  the  mean  time  I  will  mention  some  little  circum 
stances  now  in  my  thoughts.  On  the  way  down,  it  was  a  mat 
ter  of  discussion  and  consideration  with  us  whether  it  was 
most  advisable  for  this  ship  to  stand  off  at  long  shot,  as  was 
necessarily  done  at  Hatteras  on  account  of  the  shoal  ground, 
and  make  use  of  the  two  largest  guns  only,  and  try,  as  at 
Hatteras,  the  effect  of  a  bombardment  of  two  days'  duration, 
or  whether  we  should  come  fairly  up  to  the  question,  and  en 
gage  the  battery  at  the  shortest  range,  that  of  the  five-second 
fuses.  Du  Pont,  the  two  Kodgerses,  and  myself  agreed  entirely 
that  the  best  mode  of  fighting  in  a  heavy-armed  ship  like  this, 
throwing  shells  almost  exclusively,  with  a  really  formidable 
battery,  was  to  come  simply  to  the  point,  and  to  depend  upon 
the  destructive  agency,  and  the  terror  inspired  by  it,  of  a 
shower  of  iron  hail,  or  iron  hell,  dropped  in  the  briefest  time 
and  on  one  spot.1  The  very  bursting  of  the  shell  constitutes 
one  of  its  chief  horrors,  and  we  knew  we  could  rely  upon  the 
quick  firing  and  good  aim  of  a  well-trained  crew  of  marine 
artillerists,  and  upon  a  set  of  officers  of  very  remarkable 
merit,  take  them  altogether.  We  determined,  therefore,  to 
put  this  big  ship  close  to  the  battery  ;  and  I  may  say  to  you 
again  that  it  was  a  most  happy  thought  in  me  to  bring  her 

1  Volume  of  fire  with  shell-guns,  a  factor  of  such  momentous  impor 
tance  in  modern  armaments,  had  hardly  at  that  time  been  formulated  as  a 
distinct  advantage.  The  tendency  of  the  times  was  to  diminish  the  vol 
ume  of  fire  by  increasing  the  calibre  of  guns  and  reducing  their  number, 
depending  rather  on  the  effects  of  single  shots. 


186  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

north-about,  so  that  we  might  approach  the  fort  on  Hilton 
Head,  Fort  Walker,  with  the  least  possible  exposure,  and 
arrive  in  front  of  its  square  open  line  of  fire  fresh  and  ready 
for  the  business  of  the  day. 

Fortunately,  in  passing  Beauregard,  we  had  not  lost  a 
man,  though  we  had  been  repeatedly  hit. 

November  12th.  We  are  all  going  to  Beaufort  this  morn 
ing.  The  terror  inspired  by  the  victory  has  spread  all  over 
the  neighborhood.  Beaufort  is  deserted  by  the  white  popu 
lation,  and  the  negroes  are,  or  were,  committing  the  wildest 
havoc.  The  commodore  has  sent  up  and  put  a  stop  to  the 
destruction,  and  taken  temporary  possession  of  the  town.  We 
are  going  up  this  morning  to  look  at  things,  and  General 
Sherman  goes  with  us.  The  Coatzacoalcos  goes  North  to-day, 
and  I  shall  put  this  in  the  letter-bag  before  I  leave  the  ship. 
The  transports  will  now  be  constantly  returning,  and  frequent 
opportunities  will  occur  of  writing. 

A  word  regarding  the  principal  officers  of  the  ex 
pedition  may  close  this  somewhat  protracted  chapter. 
Du  Pont  and  Davis  were  intimate  friends.  The  friend 
ship  began  on  board  the  Ontario  in  1829,  and  never 
flagged.  Although  their  service  in  the  navy  had  not 
brought  them  together  on  board  ship,  their  meetings 
were  frequent  on  shore,  and  their  correspondence  was 
uninterrupted.  They  were  very  near  each  other  in 
age.  Du  Font's  seniority  in  rank  was  the  result  of 
having  entered  the  navy  at  a  very  early  age,  while 
Davis  had  entered  rather  late.  Davis's  duties  were 
those  of  captain  of  the  fleet  and  chief -of-staff,  and  they 
were  not  only  multifarious,  but  brought  him  into  the 
closest  and  most  confidential  relations  with  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  This,  together  with  the  strong  inti- 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  187 

macy  already  existing,  produced  a  relation  between  the 
two  which  is  rare  in  the  navy,  or  indeed  in  any  military 
organization  ;  but  there  existed  in  the  old  service  a 
feeling  of  comradeship  and  brotherhood  among  the 
officers  very  much  stronger  than  anything  of  the  sort 
now  prevailing.  It  was  a  true  esprit  de  corps.  The 
lines  of  official  etiquette  existed  in  full  force,  but  were 
not  so  tightly  drawn  as  at  present ;  for  officers  were  not 
bound  down  by  a  narrow  and  inflexible  system  of  regu 
lations,  —  a  system  which  has  been  pernicious  in  its 
results,  for  while  it  has  capriciously  abrogated  custom, 
which  should  be  a  "  universally  required  law  of  a  prac 
tical  and  active  service,"  it  has  pinned  all  down  to  one 
standard  of  mind,  and  has  set  officers  to  watching  one 
another  to  detect  trivial  errors  in  contravention  of  regu 
lations  too  innumerable  to  be  borne  in  mind,  and  so 
minute  as  to  be  querulous  and  vexatious.  The  most 
cordial,  intimate,  and  spontaneous  intercourse  could  exist 
between  the  two  senior  officers  of  the  Port  Royal 
Expedition,  working  together  to  attain  a  great  end,  and 
free  from  mutual  jealousy  and  mistrust,  while  at  the 
same  time  the  true  spirit  of  official  courtesy  and  eti 
quette  was  strictly  observed. 

The  two  Rodgerses,  Raymond  and  John,  were  cou 
sins,  and  both  rose  to  high  distinction  in  the  navy. 
They  were  younger  than  Du  Pont  and  Davis,  but 
shared  in  the  cordial  intimacy  which  existed  in  the 
cabin  of  the  Wabash.  Raymond  commanded  the  ship, 
and  John  served  as  a  volunteer  aide  to  the  commander- 
in-chief.  It  was  a  peculiar  and  striking  combination 
which  united  these  four  men  in  one  ship,  and  a  very 


188  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

unusual  one  from  a  naval  point  of  view.  The  gentle 
man  already  alluded  to  as  serving  with  the  expedition 
as  special  correspondent  has  left  an  impression  of  the 
cabin  mess  of  the  Wabash  which  it  may  not  be  out  of 
place  to  quote  :  — 

Among  the  naval  people  attached  to  this  joint  expedition 
were  also  many  destined  to  achieve  distinction  and  high  rank. 
Du  Pont,  who  commanded ;  Charles  H.  Davis,  the  fleet  cap 
tain  ;  C.  R.  P.  Rodgers,  in  command  of  the  flagship,  —  all 
had  their  quarters  on  [s^c]  the  great  wooden  frigate,  the 
Wabash,  and,  in  my  double  capacity  of  correspondent  and 
volunteer  aide-de-camp,  I  saw  them  often,  and  with  a  certain 
degree  of  freedom.  Three  finer  specimens  of  naval  gentle 
men  I  have  never  had  the  fortune  to  meet.  The  dignity 
and  courtesy  of  their  bearing,  the  honorable  tone  of  their 
conversation,  the  brilliancy  of  their  attainments,  the  quality 
of  their  talent,  and  of  course  the  gallantry  of  their  conduct, 
were  all  distinguished.  I  was  in  their  company  under  peculiar 
circumstances,  —  when  they  were  going  into  battle  for  the 
capture  of  Hilton  Head,  when  they  were  preparing  or  discuss 
ing  other  movements  in  advance,  and  when  they  made  known 
to  me  what  they  were  willing  should  be  communicated  to  the 
press,  —  and  I  was  always  impressed  in  an  unusual  degree 
with  the  elevated  tone  of  their  minds  and  behavior.  Their 
comments  on  the  enemy  were  never  disparaging  or  degrad 
ing  ;  they  were  as  firm  as  any  men  in  their  devotion  to  the 
service  and  the  cause ;  some  of  them  had  broken  with  near 
relatives  and  given  up  lifelong  friendships  for  the  sake  of 
the  Union,  but  they  had  not,  for  that,  less  than  a  due  appre 
ciation  either  of  the  ability  or  the  motives  of  the  Southerners. 
They  suffered  for  their  country,  South  as  well  as  North,  but 
were  determined  to  do  their  part  to  reunite  it.  And,  though 
they  were  as  enthusiastic  in  their  profession  as  any  men  I  have 
seen,  they  were  not  the  braggarts  that  some  soldiers  and 


THE  PORT  ROYAL  EXPEDITION  189 

sailors  on  both  sides  have  unfortunately  been.  They  were 
cautious,  in  their  reports,  to  claim  nothing  that  they  had  not 
achieved,  and  to  take  nothing  from  the  credit  that  belonged 
to  their  comrades  in  the  army  and  navy.  When  I  wrote  my 
letters  for  the  Northern  press  I  went  to  them  for  information, 
and  thus  had  especial  opportunity  to  observe  this  peculiarity 
of  high-bred  naval  officers.  It  left  a  permanent  recollection 
with  me ;  and  the  picture  of  these  three  sailors,  as  they  walked 
the  deck  of  the  Wabash  before  a  battle,  or  discussed  a  move 
ment  in  the  captain's  cabin,  or  cautioned  me  afterwards  not 
to  claim  for  them  more  than  their  deserts,  is  one  of  the  most 
vivid  and  agreeable  that  I  retain  of  the  war. 


CHAPTER  X 

POET  EOYAL  —  continued 

AFTER  the  action  at  Hilton  Head  the  navy  took  pos 
session  of  Fort  Walker,  and  on  the  following  morning 
of  Fort  Beauregard  at  Bay  Point ;  and  the  transports 
and  troop  ships,  which  had  been  waiting  in  the  inner 
roads,  entered  the  harbor,  the  soldiers  on  board  cheer 
ing  the  ships  vociferously  as  they  passed  along  the  line 
of  men-of-war  at  anchor.  There  were  some  shocking 
and  some  ludicrous  scenes,  according  to  the  vicissi 
tudes  and  contrasts  of  war,  exhibited  in  the  abandoned 
forts ;  for  the  Confederates  had  retreated  precipitately, 
leaving  many  of  their  wounded  behind  them,  and  all 
of  their  property,  both  public  and  personal.  Their 
precipitate  retreat  had  the  effect  of  spreading  terror 
throughout  the  surrounding  country,  and  had  it  been 
possible  to  follow  up  this  signal  victory  by  an  invasion, 
before  the  enemy  had  time  to  recover  from  the  first 
panic  and  to  gather  his  forces,  great  results  might  have 
followed ;  for  the  battle  at  Hilton  Head  was  not  only  an 
overwhelming  victory,  but  it  was  also  a  complete  sur 
prise  to  the  South,  which  had  counted  on  the  strength 
of  its  coast  defenses  as  amply  sufficient  to  keep  the 
Northern  squadrons  at  bay.  Port  Royal  was  the  first 
instance  in  which  the  war  was  brought  home  to  the 
South,  and  that,  too,  in  the  very  hotbed  of  secession. 


PORT  ROYAL  191 

The  first  care  of  the  commander-in-chief  was  to  take 
possession  of  the  conquered  territory  and  turn  it  over 
to  the  army,  and  to  stop  the  plundering  by  the  slaves, 
which  was  going  on  with  recklessness  and  excess,  and 
seemed  to  be  inspired  more  by  hate  than  by  lust  of 
gain.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  Union  leaders  that 
the  population  had  fled  more  in  terror  of  their  slaves 
than  of  the  invader.  This  was  a  section  of  the  richest 
cotton  country  of  the  South,  and  the  blacks  of  the 
plantations,  representing  the  lowest  and  most  debased 
type  of  negro  savage,  became  turbulent  and  unruly 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  defeat  of  their  masters,  who 
had  taught  them  to  believe  that  they  were  invincible. 

There  is  perhaps  no  instance  in  history,  none  cer 
tainly  in  our  own  times,  more  striking  than  this,  of  the 
unreasoning  terror  inspired  by  the  sudden  appearance 
of  an  enemy  in  the  midst  of  a  community  which  be 
lieved  itself  to  be  perfectly  secure  and  remote  from  the 
theatre  of  war.  The  town  of  Beaufort,  fourteen  miles 
above  Hilton  Head  on  the  Port  Royal  River,  and  the 
surrounding  plantations  were  entirely  deserted  by  the 
white  population,  leaving  only  the  blacks,  who  were 
committing  the  wildest  excesses.  The  people  took 
nothing  with  them  in  their  flight,  and  did  not  even 
lock  the  doors  of  their  houses.  In  describing  the  occu 
pation  of  Beaufort,  Davis  says  :  "  When  we  landed  we 
found  a  scene  of  desolation  and  ruin,  in  some  places 
almost  too  painful  to  dwell  upon.  The  only  people  we 
saw  were  the  negroes,  standing  at  the  corners  or  wan 
dering  through  the  streets,  looking  on  in  amazement. 
The  absence  of  population  in  a  compact,  fresh,  well- 
built  town  was  in  itself  a  most  melancholy  sight." 


192  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

The  occupation  of  Port  Royal  Bay  had  the  immedi 
ate  effect,  so  far  as  Davis  himself  was  concerned,  of 
greatly  increasing  the  duties  of  the  fleet  captain.  In  the 
organization  of  the  blockade,  and  the  depot  at  Port 
Royal,  and  the  multifarious  cares  and  duties  of  the 
headquarters  of  the  squadron,  the  details  were  his  part 
of  the  work.  Every  captain  and  every  subordinate  in 
authority  comes  to  the  chief -of -staff  with  his  wants; 
and  as  their  wants  are  numerous,  and  as  each  one's 
wants  are  to  him  the  most  pressing  and  important 
affair  of  the  day,  the  chief-of-staff  of  a  large  squadron 
is  besieged  from  morning  to  night  with  letters,  applica 
tions,  and  requisitions,  all  of  which  must  be  met  and 
attended  to.  Du  Pont  began  at  once  with  the  reorgan 
ization  of  the  blockade  and  the  exploration  and  recon- 
noissance  of  the  surrounding  inland  waters,  pushing 
his  light  gunboats  into  every  river  and  inlet,  and  feeling 
the  enemy's  position  wherever  there  were  forts  or  bat 
teries,  and  cooperating  with  the  army,  as  far  as  it  was 
possible  to  do  so,  in  its  operations  for  advance  and 
occupation.  These  movements  were  discussed  in  coun 
cil,  but  Davis  took  no  active  part  in  them  except  in 
two  or  three  instances.  In  the  midst  of  these  duties, 
however,  his  mind  dwelt  on  the  possibilities  of  the  situ 
ation,  and  the  great  advantages  that  might  be  gained 
by  vigorously  following  up  the  present  success.  His 
views  and  plans  are  given  here,  not  because  they  have 
any  great  historical  value,  for  history  deals  with  events 
which  happen  rather  than  with  such  as  might  have  hap 
pened,  but  because  the  whole  subject  was  afterwards 
made  a  matter  of  discussion.  The  navy  did  its  whole 


PORT  ROYAL  193 

share  in  this  occupation,  and  it  is  not  within  the  scope 
of  this  story  to  discuss  the  movements  of  the  army; 
but  it  is  a  perfectly  legitimate  undertaking  to  show 
that  the  person  of  whom  these  pages  principally  treat 
had  a  clear  enough  conception  of  the  situation  to  know 
what  might  and  could  be  done. 

Port  Royal,  December  2,  1861.  You  can  have  formed 
some  idea,  from  what  I  have  already  told  you,  of  the  effect 
of  the  capture  of  this  place  upon  the  surrounding  country. 
And  yet,  as  we  have  advanced  and  as  time  has  elapsed,  the 
effect  has  become  more  apparent  and  striking. 

One  of  the  first  thoughts,  and  indeed  the  very  pet  idea  of 
Mr.  Fox,  has  been  to  stop  up  some  of  the  Southern  harbors, 
and  we  were  to  commence  with  Savannah.  I  had  always  a 
special  disgust  for  this  business ;  and  we  had  had  it  before 
the  commission  in  Washington.  At  one  time  Bache  and  I 
made  a  favorable  report  upon  the  sinking  of  vessels  on  the 
outer  bar  of  Savannah  River,  or  Tybee  Entrance,  as  it  is  called, 
but  we  subsequently  withdrew  the  report.  The  maggot,  how 
ever,  had  got  into  Fox's  brain.  I  think  the  chief  charm  of 
the  thing  to  him  was  the  opportunity  to  purchase  vessels,  for 
which  he  has  a  penchant  that  amounts  almost  to  a  mania. 
Soon  after  we  were  established  here,  John  Rodgers,  who  has 
special  charge  of  this  service,  was  sent  down  to  reconnoitre. 
The  result  of  his  examination,  which  was  conducted  with 
great  caution  and  extended  through  two  or  three  days,  was 
to  ascertain  that  Tybee  Island  had  been  abandoned.  You 
must  look  on  the  map  or  chart,  when  you  will  perceive  that 
Tybee  Island  bounds  the  mouth  of  Savannah  River  on  one 
side,  and  the  channel  runs  close  to  it,  and  is  commanded  by 
it.  This  constitutes  an  advance  post  for  Savannah,  as  Morris 
Island  does  for  Charleston ;  and  the  voluntary  abandonment 
of  it  through  the  terror  inspired  by  the  bombardment  here 


194  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

is  a  most  unexpected  point  of  our  victory.  We  have  now 
corked  up  Savannah  like  a  bottle,  and  in  a  little  while  Gen 
eral  Sherman  will  send  troops  there,  and  we  shall  hold  the 
Island. 

In  the  same  manner,  the  fortifications  at  St.  Helena  Sound 
(the  next  to  us  on  the  north,  as  Savannah  is  on  the  south) 
have  been  deserted  and  the  guns  destroyed.  Our  vessels 
have  been  up  the  Coosaw  and  Ashepoo  rivers  some  distance. 
Otter  Island  will  be  occupied  immediately,  and  this  seems 
an  advance  of  twenty-five  miles  towards  Charleston. 

This  Sound  of  St.  Helena  is  as  large  a  sheet  of  water  as 
the  one  we  are  in,  though  interrupted  by  shoal  ground,  and 
not,  like  this,  possessed  by  a  free  and  open  navigation.  But 
you  will  see  by  the  map  that  very  large  rivers  enter  into  it, 
and  that  the  whole  region  is  intersected  by  water  communi 
cations.  The  country  is  as  fruitful  and  abounding  and  val 
uable  as  it  is  in  this  vicinity.  These  unlooked-for  possessions 
really  occasion  an  embarras  de  richesses ;  they  suspend  or 
divert  our  fixed  plans  of  operations,  and  present  new  fields 
of  enterprise.  .  .  . 

It  seems  to  me  incredible  that  the  enemy  .  .  .  should  have 
yielded  up  such  an  important  position  as  Tybee  Island  with 
out  a  blow.  With  this  post  in  our  possession,  the  fall  of 
Fort  Pulaski  is  only  a  question  of  time.  When  Pulaski  falls, 
Savannah  is  at  our  mercy,  but  just  now  all  my  thoughts  turn 
towards  Charleston.  If  you  look  even  on  an  ordinary  map 
of  South  Carolina,  you  can  trace  in  fine  lines  a  water  com 
munication  from  St.  Helena  Sound  to  the  Ashley  Kiver,  and 
you  will  observe  that  South  Edisto,  North  Edisto,  and  Stono 
rivers  and  inlets  afford  the  means  of  lateral  support  and 
supply  to  an  army  moving  towards  Charleston,  by  vessels  of 
the  navy  cooperating  from  the  sea,  which  is  wholly  in  our 
possession.  The  ground,  intersected  by  watercourses  (nat 
ural)  in  several  directions,  is  low,  sandy,  or  marshy,  and 
wooded  more  or  less,  but  thickly  so  only  in  a  few  spots. 


PORT  ROYAL  195 

The  army,  by  following  these  watercourses  more  or  less 
strictly,  would  have  the  support  of  armed  boats  and  vessels 
of  light  draught  (armed  with  our  fatal  shell  and  shrapnel, 
against  which  men  in  masses  can  never  be  made  to  stand  a 
second  time),  and  would  also  possess  the  easy  means  of  trans 
porting  the  provisions  and  munitions  of  war.  I  have  not  a 
military  education,  nor  a  military  turn  of  mind,  but  it  re 
quires  no  special  military  knowledge  or  genius  to  perceive, 
1st.  That  Charleston  is  the  proper  object  of  a  campaign, 
because  it  is  the  commercial  capital  of  the  State  and  the 
principal  seat  of  its  wealth ;  because  it  is  a  stronghold ; 
because  it  is  a  strategic  point  for  other  operations  to  be 
conducted  from  as  a  centre  or  base ;  because  it  is  a  seaport 
(for  this  see  history,  passim).  2d.  That  the  support  and  co 
operation  by  sea  would  afford  the  same  help,  and  secure  the 
same  facility  and  rapidity  of  movement  here,  as  they  did  to 
Wellington  in  Portugal,  and  to  our  friend,  with  seventeen 
consonants  and  no  vowel  in  his  name,  who  crossed  the  Balkan 
in  1828.  3d.  That  this  is  through  a  thinly  peopled  and  not 
very  accessible  district  except  from  the  sea.  4th.  Since  the 
distance  is  short  and  the  season  healthy,  now  is  the  time  to 
do  it.  5th.  That  no  preparation  is  made  for  us  here,  for  our 
wise  friends  in  Charleston  only  shut  one  door  of  their  house, 
against  which  they  have  invited  us  to  break  our  heads  instead 
of  entering  the  other.  They  might  find  the  comedy  of  Cal- 
deron,  "  Casa  con  dos  puertas  mala  es  de  guardar,"  converted 
into  a  tragedy. 

The  force  at  General  Sherman's  command  was, 
probably,  insufficient  to  carry  out  such  a  plan;  but 
with  immediate  reinforcements  from  home,  and  by 
seizing  the  opportunity  afforded  in  the  terror  inspired 
by  the  success  at  Hilton  Head,  and  with  the  support  of 
the  gunboats  and  armed  boats  of  the  fleet,  Charleston 


196  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

could  probably  have  been  taken.  At  all  events,  by  an 
immediate  and  well-planned  advance  on  the  part  of  the 
army  and  navy  simultaneously,  without  allowing  the 
enemy  time  to  draw  breath,  Savannah  could  have  been 
seized  by  a  coup  de  main.  But  General  Sherman  was 
not  the  man  to  seize  such  an  opportunity.  He  wasted 
precious  time  in  cautious  and  uncertain  advances,  in 
strengthening  unimportant  points,  and  occupying  places 
of  no  strategic  value,  such  as  Beaufort,  and  principally 
in  complaints.  And  after  his  retirement  from  the  com 
mand  he  wasted  still  more  time  in  explanations.  His 
force  was  composed  entirely  of  volunteer  regiments,  in 
which  he  had  no  confidence,  and  he  was  continually 
finding  fault  with  his  condition.  However,  as  his 
operations  amounted  to  nothing  serious,  and  have  no 
direct  connection  with  the  subject,  the  discussion  of 
possible  plans  and  lost  opportunities  need  not  be  pur 
sued. 

Surrounded,  as  he  felt  himself  to  be,  by  opportuni 
ties  of  something  great  and  decisive,  Davis  was  set  to 
do  a  piece  of  work  totally  repugnant  to  his  instincts 
as  an  officer,  and  at  direct  variance  with  the  great 
plans  which  he  knew  were  at  least  plausible,  —  the 
sinking  of  the  stone  fleet  on  Charleston  bar,  to  block 
up  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  which,  had  it  been  pos 
sible  to  realize  his  own  conception,  should  rather  have 
been  left  wide  open.  The  stone  fleet,  as  it  was  popu 
larly  called,  was  a  fleet  of  old  worn-out  ships,  mostly 
purchased  from  the  New  Bedford  whale  fleet,  loaded 
deeply  with  stone,  which  were  to  be  towed  into  position 
on  the  bar,  and  there  scuttled  and  sunk,  in  order  to 


PORT  ROYAL  197 

prevent  the  ingress  of  blockade-runners.  As  the  bar 
was  beyond  the  range  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  the 
operation  involved  trifling  risk,  and  the  whole  concep 
tion  of  employing  such  a  means  for  such  an  object 
represented  the  strategy  of  the  Navy  Department,  for 
which  Davis  has  generally  received  the  credit.  The 
last  time  he  had  been  at  Charleston  was  when,  as'a 
member  of  the  harbor  commission,  he  had  planned  the 
improvement  of  the  harbor  and  the  deepening  of  the 
channel. 

Port  Royal,  December  6th.  Raymond  Rodger s  returned 
this  morning  from  an  examination  of  Warsaw  Sound,  by 
which  it  is  discovered  that  the  fortifications  on  the  island 
(Tybee)  are  abandoned  and  nearly  destroyed,  the  guns  having 
been  removed  first.  Thus,  from  the  first  shake  of  the  tree  at 
this  place,  have  fallen  St.  Helena,  Tybee,  and  Warsaw,  all 
the  richest  fruit.  This  Warsaw,  which  you  will  see  on  the 
map,  is  a  second  entrance  to  Savannah,  and  almost  as  good 
as  the  river  mouth. 

We  have  been  very  lucky  in  the  terror  and  dismay  we  have 
inspired,  and  if  we  had  the  necessary  means  at  our  disposal 
we  should  probably  be  in  possession  of  the  entire  coast  of 
Georgia,  from  Savannah  River  to  St.  Mary's,  before  the 
beginning  of  the  next  year.  I  mean  that  we,  the  navy,  should. 
But  the  recent  advance  of  Rodgers  shows  that,  if  the  general 
commanding  were  a  man  of  vigor  and  genius,  we  would  be 
in  the  city  of  Savannah  in  a  fortnight.  It  is  a  great  oppor 
tunity,  but  I  fear  it  will  be  lost.  .  .  .  He  is  constantly,  in  our 
presence,  finding  fault  with  the  volunteers,  disparaging  his 
means.  This  is  not  the  tone  of  a  strong  man.  His  soldiers, 
such  as  they  are,  constitute  the  material  with  which  he  is  to 
work.  If  they  are  not  good  soldiers,  let  him  make  them 
better.  General  Scott  fought  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane 


198  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

with  volunteers.1  .  .  .  What  I  said  to  you  before  I  still  think, 
—  that  the  most  intelligent  and  capable  of  the  negroes  will  be 
employed  as  factors  or  agents  between  us  and  the  common 
slaves.  One  of  the  bright,  well-informed  people  is  the  steward 
of  the  Pulaski  Hotel  at  Savannah.  According  to  his  story, 
everybody  was  running  from  Savannah,  and  his  master 
among  the  rest  was  preparing  to  move  and  take  his  servants 
into  the  country.  He  did  not  wish  to  go  there,  and,  like 
good  Gobbo,  did  not  scorn  running  with  his  heels.  He  is  now 
General  Viele's  major-domo.  He  told  the  general  that,  the 
morning  after  the  action,  Commodore  Tatnall  came  down  to 
a  late  breakfast  at  the  Pulaski  Hotel,  where  there  were  still 
some  ladies  lingering.  He  began  to  give  an  account  of  the 
fight,  and  to  describe  the-  handling  of  the  fleet,  of  which  he 
spoke  in  terms  of  great  admiration ;  but,  before  he  got  far, 
the  emotions  excited  by  the  narrative  overcame  him,  and  he 
burst  into  tears  and  left  the  room.  ...  If  the  officers  of  the 
army  and  navy  had  not  resigned,  there  would  have  been  no 
rebellion,  —  or  none  of  importance.  They  were,  or  made 
themselves,  the  ready  and  convenient  tools  of  the  politicians, 
and  that  gave  the  rebellion  force  and  spirit.  I  may  finish 
this  page  with  mentioning  that  several  of  the  Southern  papers 
have  spoken  of  our  fight  as  "  grandly  planned  and  executed.'* 
The  "  Charleston  Mercury,"  — 

"  That  very  enemy,  and  the  tongue  of  loss, 
Cried  fame-  and  honor  on  him." 

I  hope  I  have  not  quoted  that  before.  I  have  had  it  in  my 
mind,  and  may  have  dropped  it. 

December  llth.  "We  gave  a  very  pleasant  dinner  the  other 
day  to  the  generals,  all  but  Sherman,  who  was  sick.  We 

1  It  is  justice  to  General  Sherman  to  note  that,  though  not  a  great 
general,  he  served  through  the  war  with  credit  as  a  division  commander, 
lost  a  leg  at  Port  Hudson,  was  promoted  in  the  regular  service  for  gal 
lantry,  and  retired  as  a  major-general. 


PORT  ROYAL  199 

endeavor  to  preserve  the  most  harmonious  relations  with  the 
officers  of  the  army,  regulars  and  volunteers,  and  have  thus 
far  succeeded.  But  I  am  surprised  to  see  how  many  disturb 
ing  influences  are  in  operation  to  endanger  the  harmony 
between  the  two  services.  It  requires  a  great  deal  of  good 
sense,  which  is  another  word  for  Christian  charity,  to  avoid 
petty  contentions  between  subordinates.  We  have  our  swag 
gerers  here,  as  in  Mrs.  Quickly's  time,  and  like  our  hostess, 
cannot  abide  them.  They  try  to  make  trouble.  Then,  I  am 
sorry  to  say,  more  attention  is  paid  than  I  think  should  be 
to  the  statements  of  newspaper  correspondents,  some  of  whom, 
as  I  know,  with  the  best  intentions,  and  with  the  most  sincere 
desire  to  tell  the  truth  and  shame  the  Devil,  are  perpetually 
giving  offense  by  drawing  the  lines  of  distinction  too  broad, 
or  not  drawing  them  broad  enough,  by  splitting  hairs  too  fine, 
or  not  splitting  them  at  all.  My  philosophy  is  very  much 
puzzled  on  this  question  of  the  writers  and  artists.  I  have 
not  yet,  as  Professor  Henry  says,  made  out  my  theory  of  the 
case.  Some  of  them  are  clever  and  well  educated,  —  some 
vulgar,  —  and  although  they  have  become  an  integral  part  of 
society,  and  one  of  its  constituent  elements,  they  are  not  yet 
sufficiently  advanced  in  character,  manners,  and  responsi 
bility  to  be  entitled  to  full  recognition. 

I  go  to  Charleston  to-morrow  to  sink  the  stone  fleet  on 
Charleston  bar  and  close  the  channel. 

December  17th.  I  did  not  think  I  should  have  time  to 
write  again  before  returning  from  Charleston,  where,  as  I 
told  you  in  the  last  page  of  my  letter  by  the  Atlantic,  I  am 
bound  to  put  down  the  vessels  laden  with  stone,  or  the 
stone  fleet  as  it  is  called.  This  is  a  disagreeable  duty,  and 
one  of  the  last  I  should  have  selected.  I  always  considered 
this  mode  of  interrupting  commerce  as  liable  to  great  objec 
tions,  and  as  of  doubtful  success.  But  I  have  facilities  for 
doing  it  greater  than  I  could  have  expected.  Besides  the 
steamers  of  war,  there  will  be  three  transport  steamers  to 


200  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

assist  in  bringing  and  placing  them  (the  ships).  My  fleet 
will  consist  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  old  vessels  laden  with 
stone ;  the  men-of-war  off  Charleston  now,  added  to  which 
there  will  be  the  Mohican,  Pocahontas,  and  Ottawa  that 
accompany  me,  and  the  Pawnee  and  /Seneca  that  follow  me  ; 
and  lastly  and  finally  there  will  be  the  three  transports,  videli 
cet,  the  Philadelphia,  the  JZricsson,  and  the  Cahawba,  in 
the  last  of  which  I  shall  go.  She  is  a  handy  steamer  with 
a  clever  captain  and  light  draught,  and  I  can  use  her  in 
placing  the  vessels.  I  do  not  go  near  any  batteries  on  the 
land,  I  believe,  or  if  there  are  any  on  that  part  of  Morris 
Island  which  is  to  be  approached,  my  position  will  be  out  of 
range  of  their  guns.  There  are  armed  tugs  and  steamers  at 
Charleston,  but  the  force  I  carry  with  me  will  keep  them  at  a 
respectful  distance. 

I  have  settled  in  my  own  mind  the  proper  course  of  action 
in  sinking  the  vessels,  and  the  principles  on  which  it  rests  — 
have  laid  down  my  plan  of  proceeding  and  communicated  it 
to  my  subordinates.  And  that,  you  know,  is  half  the  battle 
with  me.  To  know  what  I  am  to  do,  and  how  I  am  to  do  it, 
must  be  settled  in  my  mind  by  a  process  of  reflection  and 
reasoning,  before  I  can  give  myself  fully  and  wholly  up  to 
action.  I  am  so  constituted,  as  you  are  aware,  that  the 
thinking  must  be  done  first,  and  done  (whether  well  or  ill, 
at  least)  to  my  own  satisfaction  before  the  acting  begins. 

Davis  performed  this  service  and  returned  to  Port 
Royal  on  December  20th,  just  in  time  to  escape  a  severe 
northeast  storm,  which  would  have  seriously  interfered 
with  his  operations  on  Charleston  bar,  and  the  next 
movement  in  which  he  took  an  active  part  was  a  recon- 
noissance  in  force  in  Warsaw  Sound,  in  which  he  com 
manded. 

Port  Koyal,  January  20,  1862.   We  have  got  up  another 


PORT  ROYAL  201 

expedition  to  Warsaw,  and  are  only  waiting  for  a  change  of 
weather  to  carry  it  out.  It  is  a  joint  affair,  and  I  command 
the  naval  part,  and,  as  far  as  this  part  or  arm  is  concerned,  I 
approve  of  it  —  in  fact,  suggested  it.  It  is  a  reconnoissance 
in  force  that  may  lead  to  important  results.  But  as  a  joint 
operation  I  heartily  disapprove  of  it.  Twenty-four  hundred 
men  are  embarked  in  transports  (in  which  they  have  been  all 
this  wet,  cold  weather  —  quite  as  well  off  perhaps  as  in  their 
cold  tents),  and  when  I  went  to  see  General  Wright  who  is 
to  command  them,  I  found  that  he  had  no  plan  of  operations 
whatever.  The  next  day  he  came  on  board  to  see  me,  and 
passed  several  hours  with  me,  and  I  found  that  the  best  infor 
mation  he  had  of  the  ground  rendered  it  doubtful  whether 
he  could  even  land  his  men.  In  this  case  it  will  be  the  old 
story  of  the  king  of  France,  with  a  change  of  numbers  merely. 
I  should  like  to  see  a  modification  of  the  plan  now,  but  can 
not  bring  it  about.  You  may  be  comforted  with  the  assur 
ance  that  I  know  what  I  mean  to  attempt  myself ;  but  it  sur 
prises  and  annoys  me  that  General  Sherman  should  send 
General  Wright  on  this  service  without  any  preconceived 
project.  Wright  is  one  of  the  cleverest  fellows  in  the  world  ; 
he  is  an  old  acquaintance  ;  we  were  together  on  the  commis 
sion  on  St.  John's  River,  in  the  year  '51,  was  it  ? 
% 

Without  a  map  or  diagram,  it  would  be  impossible  to 
follow  the  course  of  this  expedition,  whose  prime  object 
was  a  reconnoissance,  and  if  possible,  to  cut  off  commu 
nication  between  the  city  of  Savannah  and  its  outer 
most  defense,  Fort  Pulaski,  situated  on  an  island  almost 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah  River.  To  the  south 
ward  and  eastward  of  this  fort,  and  forming  the  south 
ernmost  boundary  of  the  river's  mouth,  lies  Tybee 
Island,  which  as  has  already  been  seen,  had  been  aban 
doned  by  the  enemy,  and  its  defenses  destroyed.  Tybee 


202  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Island  was  already  occupied  by  a  part  of  General  Sher 
man's  force ;  and  another  part  held  Turtle  and  Jones 
islands  on  the  northern  shore  of  the  Savannah  River. 
The  watercourses  surrounding  these  islands  had  been 
explored  and  sounded  to  a  certain  extent,  and  there 
were  negroes  at  the  service  of  the  fleet  who  were  skill- 

o 

f  ul  local  pilots  and  knew  the  depths  in  most  of  these 
channels. 

As  finally  arranged  the  plan  was  that  John  Rodgers 
with  two  gunboats  should  advance  toward  the  Savan 
nah  River  through  the  channels  forming  the  northern 
boundaries  of  Turtle  and  Jones  islands,  while  Davis, 
with  the  main  body  of  six  gunboats  and  the  transports 
containing  the  troops,  should  enter  from  Warsaw  Sound 
and  pass  through  Freeborn  Cut  to  the  Savannah  River. 
This  would  bring  the  two  together  at  the  same  point  in 
the  river,  several  miles  above  Fort  Pulaski. 

Davis  sailed  from  Port  Royal  on  the  26th  and  an 
chored  the  same  night  at  the  entrance  of  Warsaw  Sound. 
The  next  morning  two  companies  of  infantry  were 
taken  on  board  the  gunboats,  which  advanced  up  Free- 
born  Cut,  leaving  the  transports  with  the  main  body  of 
the  troops  in  Warsaw  Sound.  The  course  of  the  gun 
boats  carried  them  within  range  of  Fort  Pulaski,  visible 
across  the  intervening  marshes,  but  there  were  no  guns 
mounted  on  that  side,  and  although  great  efforts  were 
made  in  the  fort  to  get  one  into  position,  it  was  not 
done  until  after  the  gunboats  had  passed  out  of  range. 
The  latter  continued  to  advance  in  the  Cut,  proceeding 
in  close  order,  and  keeping  a  lookout  for  masked  bat 
teries  or  sharpshooters,  until  they  were  stopped  by 


PORT  ROYAL  203 

obstructions  in  the  form  of  a  double  row  of  piles  across 
the  channel.  Here  they  were  forced  to  anchor,  and 
the  companies  of  infantry  were  landed  to  scout,  and 
boats  were  sent  into  the  neighboring  creeks  leading 
toward  Savannah  River,  while  Commander  Ammen  of 
the  Seneca  went  off  with  a  boat  to  cut  the  telegraph 
wire  between  Savannah  and  Fort  Pulaski. 

In  the  afternoon  John  Rodgers  made  his  appearance 
in  Wright  River,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Savannah, 
and  an  attempt  was  made  to  communicate  with  him  by 
signal.  At  about  sundown  the  enemy's  squadron  under 
Commodore  Tatnall  came  down  the  Savannah  River, 
and  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cut  in  which  Davis' s 
squadron  was  lying,  the  line  of  obstructions  being,  of 
course,  between  them.  The  two  squadrons  lay  in  this 
position  until  after  dark,  and  Davis  rather  expected  a 
night  attack.  He  was  powerless  to  move,  except  in 
retreat,  but  he  knew  that  Tatnall  could  be  reinforced 
with  troops  from  the  batteries  about  Savannah,  and 
that  a  combined  night  attack  might  place  him  in  an 
awkward  position.  He  therefore  kept  watch  under 
arms,  and  pushed  his  scouts  out  toward  the  enemy's  de 
fenses.  But  the  night  passed  without  incident,  and  at 
daylight  it  was  discovered  that  Tatnall  had  disappeared. 
Exploring  parties  were  now  sent  out  in  various  direc 
tions  to  examine  the  neighboring  country  and  water 
courses,  and  the  positions  of  the  enemy's  batteries  were 
thus  ascertained.  At  about  eleven  o'clock  Tatnall's 
squadron  again  made  its  appearance  in  the  Savannah 
River,  five  gunboats,  with  hulks  in  tow,  which  they 
left  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cut,  and  attempted  to  cross 


204  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Davis' s  line  of  fire.  In  the  engagement  which  fol 
lowed  the  enemy's  squadron  scattered,  three  of  them 
running  on  toward  Pulaski,  and  the  other  two,  one  of 
which  was  Tatnall's  own  vessel  badly  crippled,  making 
back  toward  Savannah.  John  Rodgers,  who  had  lain 
at  the  mouth  of  Wright  River  all  night,  took  part  in 
this  action.  Davis  says  :  "  The  last  of  the  steamers 
that  came  up  came  quite  alone.  She  had  a  hulk  on 
each  side  of  her  carrying  the  guns  and  constituting  the 
batteries  of  which  she  was  herself  the  motive  power. 
Incumbered  in  this  way  she  passed  very  slowly  before 
our  fire,  which  she  returned  in  the  most  gallant  manner. 
Her  captain  was  a  plucky  fellow." 

Having  accomplished  the  main  object  of  the  naval 
demonstration,  a  reconnoissance,  and  being  unable  to 
proceed  on  account  of  the  obstructions,  there  was  no 
thing  for  it  but  to  return  ;  and  in  order  to  avoid  the  fire 
from  Pulaski,  for  which  the  fort  was  better  prepared 
than  when  the  gunboats  entered  the  creek,  the  squad 
ron  got  under  way  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  and 
passed  the  fort  while  it  was  still  dark.  After  commu 
nicating  with  the  transports  in  Warsaw  Sound,  the 
gunboats  returned  to  Port  Royal. 

An  incident  of  this  expedition  is  related  as  f  ollows :  — 

A  curious  and  painful  event  took  place  this  morning.  The 
paymaster  of  the  Isaac  Smith  (one  of  the  gunboats  which 
participated  in  the  expedition  to  Warsaw  Sound)  died  early 
of  consumption.  The  last  few  hours  of  this  slow,  lingering 
disease  were  creeping  away  yesterday  during  the  engage 
ment.  This  complaint  generally  gives  its  victim  ample  notice 
to  spend  his  latest  breath  at  home.  In  his  case  the  solemn 


PORT  ROYAL  205 

moments  of  final  preparation  were  disturbed  by  the  roar  and 
jar  of  heavy  artillery,  and  the  shouts  of  applause  that  followed 
every  successful  shot. 

Comment  on  this  expedition,  as  far  as  the  naval  part 
of  it  is  concerned,  is  unnecessary.  It  was  an  unimpor 
tant  event,  accompanied  by  no  very  exciting  incident, 
and  followed  by  no  very  important  result.  It  was  a 
naval  reconnoissance  and  demonstration,  nothing  more, 
such  as  took  place  constantly  during  the  war  wherever 
our  gunboats  were  operating  in  inland  waters.  But  it 
affords  a  curious  illustration  of  the  futility  of  a  com 
bined  movement  when  authority  is  divided.  There 
were,  doubtless,  many  similar  cases  during  the  war ;  but 
it  is  difficult  to  understand  why  twenty-four  hundred 
men  in  transports,  under  an  independent  command, 
should  have  been  carried  from  Port  Royal  to  Warsaw 
Sound,  and  then  brought  back  again.  For  the  trans 
ports  could  not  enter  Freeborn  Cut,  and,  excepting  the 
two  companies  which  Davis  took  along,  and  which  were 
useful  as  skirmishers,  the  whole  body  might  have  better 
stayed  in  Port  Royal.  The  force  employed  was  un 
necessary  for  a  reconnoissance,  and  inadequate  for  a 
serious  demonstration ;  the  opportunity  for  an  advance 
on  Savannah  had  been  lost.  The  enemy  had  gathered 
his  forces  and  strengthened  his  defenses,  and  the  whole 
army  at  General  Sherman's  disposal  could  not  now 
effect  what  might  have  been  done  with  a  handful  pro 
perly  led,  if  the  naval  success  at  Hilton  Head  had  been 
immediately  followed  up. 

Davis  had  been  promoted  by  seniority  to  the  rank  of 
captain,  then  the  highest  grade  in  the  navy,  on  the 


206  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

15th  of  November,  1861,  only  a  few  days  after  the 
action  at  Hilton  Head ;  and  on  February  10,  1862, 
he  was  detached  from  his  duties  as  chief -of -staff  of  the 
South  Atlantic  Blockading  Squadron  with  orders  to 
report  in  person  at  the  Navy  Department  in  Washing 
ton.  There  was  much  speculation  as  to  the  meaning 
of  this  order,  not  unmixed  with  apprehension  that  he 
might  be  wanted  for  his  old  place  in  the  Bureau  of  De 
tail ;  but  he  heard  from  reliable  sources  that  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  department  to  give  him  a  flag,  to  which 
his  rank  now  entitled  him.  It  must  be  remembered 
that,  previous  to  the  creation  of  admirals  in  our  navy, 
our  squadrons  were  commanded  by  captains  with  the 
honorary  title  of  commodore,  until  within  a  few  years 
of  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  when  a  law  was  adopted 
creating  the  temporary  rank  of  flag  officer,  and  enti 
tling  captains  in  command  of  squadrons  to  wear  a  rear 
admiral's  flag,  and  to  accept  and  require  the  dignities 
and  privileges  of  an  admiral's  rank,  in  every  particular 
except  in  name.1  This  change  had  been  made  because 
the  commodore's  broad  pennant  placed  our  commanders 
abroad  at  a  disadvantage  in  relation  to  foreign  flag  offi 
cers.  It  was  a  concession  rather  to  the  dignity  of  the 
country  than  to  the  privilege  of  the  individual :  but  a 
flag  was  the  natural  ambition  of  every  captain,  especially 
in  time  of  war ;  and  Davis  learned  from  Porter,  who 

1  This  law  has  never  been  repealed,  and  it  has  been  the  invariable  cus 
tom,  up  to  the  past  year  (1898),  to  confer  acting  flag  rank  upon  officers  of 
inferior  grades  appointed  to  the  command  of  squadrons.  Commodore 
George  Dewey,  appointed  to  command  the  China  station  in  January, 
1898,  was  the  first  officer  to  whom  this  honor  had  ever  been  denied  since 
its  authorization  by  law. 


PORT  ROYAL  207 

touched  at  Port  Koyal  with  the  mortar  flotilla  on  his 
way  to  the  Gulf,  and  who  had  just  come  from  Washing 
ton,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  department  that  he 
should  relieve  Commodore  McKean,  who  had  asked  to 
be  retired  from  the  command  of  the  East  Gulf  Blockad 
ing  Squadron,  with  the  San  Jacinto  as  flagship. 

Davis  remained  with  the  squadron  long  enough  to 
take  part  in  the  capture  of  Fernandina.  The  respect 
for  our  ships  due  to  the  action  at  Hilton  Head  was  still 
so  great  that  Fernandina  fell,  without  firing  a  gun,  on 
March  2d,  and  Davis  hastened  home  in  the  first  trans 
port  which  sailed,  carrying  with  him  Du  Font's  dis 
patches  announcing  this  latest  success  of  the  squadron. 
In  the  midst  of  the  preparations  for  Fernandina,  and  in 
anticipation  of  an  immediate  return  to-  the  North,  Davis 
wrote  :  — 

February  20th.  We  are  now  making  our  final  prepara 
tions,  and  will  be  off  on  Saturday.  The  weather  is  remark 
ably  fine,  and  the  interruption  has  been  so  long  and  steady 
that  we  promise  ourselves  a  good  number  of  pleasant  days. 
I  do  not  now  regret  the  delay,  for  it  has  led  to  a  change  in 
the  mode  of  attack,  which  strikes  us  all  as  very  good,  and 
very  likely  in  itself  to  insure  success,  if  we  do  not  encounter 
unexpected  obstacles.  We  have  more  information  about  Fer 
nandina  than  we  had  about  Port  Koyal,  and  yet  we  have  not 
so  much  as  we  ought  to  have.  The  general  said  to  me  that 
he  thought  we  were  making  an  unnecessary  amount  of  prepa 
ration  ;  this  was  when  I  read  him  the  list  of  vessels  we  are  to 
take.  But,  so  far  as  it  depends  upon  myself,  there  shall  be 
no  needless  risk  run.  I  would  not  expose  this  cause,  which  is 
the  cause  of  my  country,  to  useless  hazard,  any  more  than  I 
would  the  life  of  a  parent  or  of  a  child.  If  we  succeed  we 
shall  do  a  great  thing.  The  whole  peninsula  of  Florida  will 


208  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

be  cut  off,  several  valuable  sources  of  communication  with 
the  external  world,  and  with  each  other,  will  be  taken  from 
the  rebels,  and  the  whole  Atlantic  coast  of  the  seceding  States 
will  (with  the  exception  of  a  few  points  either  easily  taken  or 
easily  guarded)  be  in  our  possession.  Our  success  will  be 
another  terrible  blow  upon  those  who  have  introduced  into  a 
national  paradise, 

"  calm  region  once, 
And  full  of  peace,  now  tost  and  turbulent," 

war  and  all  its  attendant  evils, 

"  high  passions,  anger,  hate, 
Mistrust,  suspicion,  discord." 

How  fortunate  and  timely,  too,  our  triumphs  at  Roanoke 
and  Fort  Henry !  That  the  latter  victory,  taking  place  in  the 
very  heart  of  the  continent,  should  have  been  achieved  by  the 
navy  alone  is  quite  a  feather  in  our  cap,  and  will  add  very 
much  to  the  reputation  of  the  navy,  and,  I  hope,  prevent 
Congress  from  taking  any  great  amount  from  our  pay,  —  at 
least  while  we  are  fighting  the  battles  of  the  country.1 

NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  April  1, 1862. 

MY  DEAK  Du  PONT,  —  I  have  been  in  a  constant  whirl 
ever  since  I  got  home,  and  am  now  leading  a  sort  of  dreamy 
existence,  being  in  what  the  philosophers  call  a  state  of  un 
stable  equilibrium.  What  I  am  to  do  is  as  uncertain  as  it 
can  be  made  by  its  dependency  on  events  beyond  my  own  or 
Mr.  Welles' s  control. 

But  before  I  come  to  that,  I  must  tell  you  of  one  of  two 
little  incidents  of  my  arrival  in  Washington. 

I  passed  up  Chesapeake  Bay  on  the  9th,  the  eventful  Sun 
day  when  the  fight  took  place  between  the  Monitor  and  Mer- 
rimac.  As  I  went  by  the  Eastern  Channel,  hardly  within 
signal  distance  of  the  ships  in  Hampton  Roads,  I  had  no  idea 

1  A  bill  to  reduce  the  pay  of  naval  officers,  at  all  times  a  popular  mea 
sure,  was  then  pending  in  Congress. 


PORT  ROYAL  209 

of  what  was  going  on.  But  I  was  so  much  struck  with  the 
firing  as  to  inquire  the  cause  of  it  from  a  river  steamer,  the 
captain  of  which  told  me  that  it  was  target  practice,  princi 
pally  with  the  great  guns  on  the  Rip-Raps.  I  did  not  land 
in  Baltimore  till  after  the  last  morning  train  (noonday)  had 
left.  I  was  obliged,  therefore,  to  wait  till  the  four  o'clock 
train.  I  sent  a  telegram,  however,  at  once  to  the  Secretary, 
and  with  it  went  the  good  news  of  the  result  of  the  engage 
ment  of  Sunday.  William,  who  met  me  at  the  cars,  told  me 
that  the  report  of  our  successes  was  very  cheering  to  the  de 
partment,  and  came  at  a  happy  moment.  In  Baltimore  I  gave 
the  news  to  the  "  American,"  and  ordered  some  copies  to  be 
sent  to  you.  Did  you  receive  them  ? 

It  was  dark  when  I  got  to  Mr.  Welles's  house,  where  he 
was  impatiently  waiting  for  me.  He  took  me  over  to  the 
department,  where  Mr.  Faxon  and  the  reporters,  apprised  of 
my  coming,  were  waiting  to  get  the  reports. 

I  read  your  report  out  loud  there,  and  it  was  very  well 
received.  Two  copies  had  been  made  and  corrected  on  the 
passage  home,  so  that  I  had  three  copies  to  give  to  the  news 
agents,  who  were  delighted  when  they  found  they  were  re 
lieved  from  the  labor  of  making  copies  for  themselves. 

From  the  Navy  Department  Mr.  Welles  carried  me  to  the 
President's,  where  there  were  several  of  the  heads  of  de 
partments  and  one  or  two  visitors.  Here  I  read  your  dis 
patch  again,  and  was  frequently  interrupted  in  the  reading 
by  comment  and  inquiries,  which  evinced  the  interest  of  the 
listeners.  .  .  . 

I  stayed  at  the  White  House  an  hour,  and  Mr.  Welles 
walked  halfway  to  my  hotel  with  me.  The  affairs  at  Hamp 
ton  Roads,  and  some  irrepressible  anxieties  about  the  Gulf, 
had  made  the  Secretary  quite  desponding.  He  poured  out 
his  troubles  and  apprehensions  to  me  with  an  open  and  un 
burdened  heart ;  and  I  was  touched  with  his  saying  at  the 
end  of  every  sentence,  or  series  of  remarks,  "  Oh,  if  you 


210  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

and  Du  Pont  were  only  there  I  should  have  no  fears  about 
the  result,  —  Du  Pont  and  Foote  and  yourself  enjoy  our  per 
fect  confidence." 

This  idea  was  expressed  in  different  ways  —  and  very  fre 
quently  —  in  the  course  of  the  evening.  Even  at  this  late 
period  I  find  that  the  action  of  Port  Koyal  is  the  handsomest 
thing  of  the  war.  This  has  been  said  to  me  over  and  over 
again,  in  Washington,  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  York, 
and  Boston.  The  manner  in  which  you  have  carried  every 
thing  before  you  on  your  station ;  the  completeness  of  your 
operations ;  the  consummation  of  plans  now  known  to  have 
been  parts  of  a  grand  project  deliberately  formed  before 
leaving  the  United  States ;  and,  above  all,  that  greatest  of 
military  virtues,  success,  —  have  given  you  a  reputation  in  the 
country  for  sagacity,  enterprise,  and  wisdom  far  beyond  any 
thing  you  can  think  of.  This  reputation  has  been  increased 
by  the  reports  of  persons  who  have  seen  you  in  Port  Koyal, 
and  among  others  my  nephew,  James  Peirce,  and  by  Mr. 
Pierce,  the  government  agent,  who  has  spoken  of  you,  in  his 
letters,  in  terms  of  exalted  praise.  If  I  could  think  of  any 
thing  mortifying  to  say  to  you,  I  should  certainly  say  it,  in 
order  to  counteract  the  effect  of  these  sugar-plums  on  your 
naval  constitution.  But  I  am  compelled  to  add  to  them  by 
congratulating  you  on  the  great  success  of  your  movements 
since  my  departure,  —  on  the  possession  of  Jacksonville  and 
St.  Augustine's.  .  .  .  Give  my  most  affectionate  love  to  my 
dear  Rodgers,  .  .  .  and  give  him  my  most  cordial  congratu 
lations  on  the  part  he  has  taken  (the  conspicuous  part)  in  the 
restoration  of  Florida  to  her  allegiance.  I  have  told  Fox 
that  he  must  make  an  admiral  of  Rodgers.  I  am  told  that 
you  are  to  have  another  vote  of  thanks  for  Florida,  and  are 
to  head  the  admirals'  list. 

I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  new  navy  bill  by  Captain  Mul- 
lany  {Bienville).  I  suppose  you  would  like  to  have  me  tell 
you  something  about  it  and  about  the  department.  What  an 


PORT  ROYAL  211 

unreasonable  creature  you  are!  Have  I  not  written  you 
twelve  pages,  and  do  I  not  hate  to  write  as  I  hate  original 
sin  ?  But  I  have  something  to  tell  you,  and  will  write  soon 
again.  Remember  me  to  Dr.  Clymer.  .  .  .  Remember  me 
to  Corbin,  to  Barnes,  to  Gulick  (his  relief  will  go  out  in  the 
Rhode  Island),  and,  most  of  all,  to  Mr.  Preston,1  for  whom 
I  have  an  affectionate  regard. 

Remember  me,  in  short,  to  _all  my  old  shipmates,  and  to  the 
steward  and  the  boys. 

Ever  your  faithful  and  affectionate  friend, 

CHAS.  DAVIS. 

NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  April  9, 1862. 

MY  DEAR  Du  PONT,  —  I  am  writing  this  letter  from  my 
old  place  (not  exactly  my  old  desk)  at  the  department,  in 
the  same  room  in  which  we  used  to  hold  our  day  and  night 
consultations  last  summer  and  autumn.  Nothing  is  wanting 
to  dispel  the  impression  left  by  the  intervening  passage  of 
time  and  the  events  it  has  registered  —  to  carry  me  back  six 
months  —  but  seeing  you  walk  in  with  a  package  of  letters 
or  papers  in  your  hand,  and  draw  up  a  chair  for  conference. 

If  I  had  any  desire  to  be  carried  back  to  that  time,  it  is 
principally  that  I  may  fully  appreciate  and  enjoy  the  great 
comforts  and  hopes  and  promises  and  blessings  of  the  present, 
in  promoting  and  hewing  which  you  have  had  so  great  and 
honorable  a  part  to  act.  My  mind  is  penetrated  with  the 
deepest  sense  of  gratitude  to  God  for  his  protection  and  favor 
to  our  beloved  country,  and  I  venture  to  hope  that  you  and  I 
may  witness  the  blessed  return  of  peace  and  union. 

10th.  I  had  written  thus  far  yesterday  when  I  was  called 
off  by  John  Rodgers,  who  has  not  lost  any  of  his  restless 
activity  and  want  of  repose  since  leaving  Port  Royal.  He  is 
anxious  now  to  get  an  iron  steamer ;  and  he  calls  my  atten- 

1  Lieutenant  Samuel  W.  Preston,  killed  in  the  assault  on  Fort  Fisher, 
January  15,  1865.  At  Port  Royal  he  was  flag  lieutenant  to  Du  Pont. 


212  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

tion  to  the  difference  between  the  praises  and  honors  awarded 
to  Worden  and  the  neglect  shown  to  Morris,  although  the 
latter's  courage  and  patriotism  were  put  to  the  severest  test. 
He  fought  his  guns  while  his  ship  was  sinking,  and  cheered 
as  she  was  going  down.  Such  are  the  charms  of  novelty  and 
success. 

Commodore  Smith  paid  a  touching  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  his  son  by  saying,  when  it  was  reported  that  the  Congress 
had  surrendered,  "  Then  Joe  is  dead." 

We  are  expecting  to  hear  every  moment  of  the  Merrimac's 
coming  out.  Fox  and  Mr.  Grimes  are  both  down  in  Hampton 
Koads  waiting  for  the  event.  Our  last  successes  at  Island 
No.  10  and  Corinth  fill  our  hearts  with  gladness.  God  grant 
us  a  similar  success  in  Hampton  Roads. 

Tatnall  is  in  Norfolk.  He  has  sent  Commodore  Smith  his 
son's  sword ;  it  was  received  to-day. 

I  am  nominally  on  duty  at  the  Navy  Department ;  I  say 
nominally,  because,  while  ordered  to  remain  here,  I  have 
nothing  special  to  do.  There  is  no  doubt  that  I  was  ordered 
home  to  relieve  McKean,  but  the  intentions  of  the  depart 
ment  have  changed.  .  .  . 

Then  there  is  the  bill  creating  new  grades  in  the  line,  of 
which  I  sent  you  a  copy.  This  bill  provides  for  a  board  of 
examination^  which  I  regard  as  an  advisory  council  to  the 
department.  The  determination  is  to  make  free  use  of  this 
opportunity  to  put  the  navy  in  the  highest  possible  state  of 
efficiency  as  respects  the  higher  grades  principally.  The  fun 
damental  maxim,  that  the  navy  is  made  for  the  country  and 
not  for  the  officers,  is  to  be  strictly  applied,  without  acrimony 
and  with  a  just  regard  to  the  rights  and  character  of  really 
meritorious  officers  who  have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  dis 
tinguish  themselves.  While  exchanging  some  views  with 
Fox,  and  afterwards  with  Faxon,  on  this  subject,  I  was  led 
to  think  that  I  might  be  ordered  to  serve  on  this  board.  I 
hope  not. 


PORT  ROYAL  213 

Mr.  Sedgwick  told  me  that  as  soon  as  the  tax  bill  was 
disposed  of,  these  two  navy  bills  would  be  brought  up  in  the 
House.  He  and  several  members  of  Congress  have  spoken 
to  me  very  encouragingly  of  the  passage  of  these  bills.  Ex 
perience  and  disappointment  will  lead  you  and  I  to  entertain 
moderate  hopes  only.  And  some  time  must  elapse  before 
they  can  be  carried  through  all  the  stages  of  legislation.  I 
should  like  to  know,  confidentially,  whether  you  would  serve 
on  this  board.  You  will  certainly  be  thought  of.  The  char 
acter,  judgment,  and  decisions  of  the  board  of  '55  have,  as 
Commodore  Stribling  remarked  to  me  the  other  day,  been 
remarkably  sustained  and  approved  by  the  events  of  the  last 
year ;  and  I  think  the  navy  would  rejoice  to  see  you  on  a 
board  (at  the  head  of  it)  designed  to  assist  the  department 
in  making  selections  for  the  new  grades.  I  am  afraid  you 
will  feel  a  repugnance  for  this  duty,  which  must,  in  some 
particulars,  be  anxious  and  disagreeable.  I  am  sure  I  sym 
pathize  with  you. 

There  is  still  another  object  for  detaining  me  here  in  the 
mind  of  the  department:  it  is  the  indefinite  idea  that  I 
may  be  wanted.  Fox  has  already  asked  me  to  undertake,  in 
connection  with  Bache,  an  investigation  similar  to  those  of 
last  summer,  —  mais  assez  de  moi-meme.  .  .  . 

Eemember  me  most  cordially  to  my  dear  Rodgers,  and  to 
all  my  friends,  especially  to  McKinley,  whom  I  forgot  to  men 
tion  in  my  last  letter.  Tell  Rodgers  his  nomination  has  gone 
in.  But  we  were  thought  to  have  been  nominated  and  con 
firmed  long  ago,  and  Mr.  Welles,  Mr.  Fox,  Mr.  Faxon,  and 
Mr.  Grimes  would  hardly  believe  it  when  I  told  them  it  was 
not  so. 

Ever,  my  dear  Du  Pont,  your  most  faithful  and  affection 
ate  friend, 

CHARLES  DAVIS. 

There  is  nothing  more  fickle  than  the  favor  of  the 


214  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

great.  Charleston  could  have  been  taken,  but  not  by 
simply  knocking  at  the  front  door,  as  reason  had 
already  demonstrated  and  as  the  event  proved.  For 
frankly  declaring  this  fact,  Du  Pont  lost  favor,  was 
treated  with  indignity,  and  relieved  of  his  command, 
and  passed  the  last  two  years  of  his  life  in  retirement 
and  neglect.  Too  harsh  a  judgment  must  not  be  pro 
nounced  on  this  act  of  injustice.  In  times  of  great 
public  stress,  novelty  and  success  are  the  keys  to 
favor;  reason  occupies  a  secondary  place.  One  of 
the  ulterior  results  of  the  battle  of  Port  Eoyal,  and  the 
passage  of  the  forts  at  New  Orleans,  was  that  the 
public  had  learned  to  believe  that  the  ships  of  the  navy 
could  go  anywhere  and  accomplish  anything.  Popular 
clamor  demanded  Charleston,  and,  failing  that,  a  vic 
tim  ;  and  the  administration  was  justified,  to  a  certain 
extent,  in  yielding  to  popular  clamor.  At  this  particu 
lar  epoch  of  the  civil  war,  the  rights  and  fortunes  of  an 
individual  naval  officer  were  of  little  consequence  ;  but 
it  was  a  matter  of  momentous  importance  that  the 
administration  should  retain  the  confidence  of  the  peo 
ple.  It  is  generally  the  aim  of  every  political  party  to 
sustain  itself  in  power,  but  there  have  been,  perhaps, 
only  two  periods  in  our  history  when  it  has  been  of 
vital,  literally  vital  importance,  that  the  dominant  party 
should  retain  the  control  of  public  affairs,  and  this  was 
one ;  for,  had  the  Democratic  party  been  successful  in 
the  elections  of  1864,  there  would  now  be  two  republics 
on  the  continent  of  North  America  where  there  is  but 
one. 

For  Du  Pont  himself,  viewed  from  a  distance  of  more 


PORT  ROYAL  215 

than  thirty  years,  the  lustre  of  his  fame  is  in  no  way 
dimmed  by  the  dignity  with  which  he  bore  unmerited 
mortification  ;  and  he  is  remembered,  not  as  the  scape 
goat  of  the  administration  in  1863,  but  as  the  distin 
guished  and  gallant  officer  who  reorganized  the  navy  in 
1855,  and  led  his  squadron  to  victory  in  1861. 


CHAPTER  XI 

FORT   PILLOW   AND  MEMPHIS 

THERE  were  two  enterprises  which  the  Federal  govern 
ment  proposed  to  itself  at  the  very  commencement  of 
the  war,  which  were  followed  with  unflagging  tenacity 
of  purpose  to  a  conclusion,  and  which  together  insured 
the  final  collapse  of  the  Confederacy,  regardless  of  the 
movements  of  armies  in  Virginia  and  along  the  Potomac 
—  the  blockade,  and  the  conquest  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  first  of  these  was  entirely  the  work  of  the  navy, 
and  the  preceding  chapters  have  shown  what  Davis's 
share  in  it  was.  In  the  second  the  navy  took  a  con 
spicuous  and  important  part.  In  May,  1861,  Com 
mander  John  Rodgers  had  been  detailed  by  the  Navy 
Department  to  organize  and  equip  a  flotilla  of  gunboats 
for  service  on  the  Western  rivers,  to  be  used  in  coopera 
tion  with  the  land  forces.  These  vessels  were  paid  for 
by  the  quartermaster-general  of  the  army,  and  in  fact 
the  Mississippi  flotilla  remained  under  the  control  of  the 
War  Department  until  the  autumn  of  1862.  Its  status 
was  a  somewhat  anomalous  one,  as  it  was  officered  and 
manned  entirely  from  the  navy,  and  its  correspondence, 
like  that  of  other  squadrons,  was  with  the  Navy  Depart 
ment,  and  at  the  same  time  it  remained  a  part  of  the 
army  organization.  Commander  Rodgers  purchased 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  217 

and  equipped  three  wooden  gunboats  at  St.  Louis,  but 
before  he  could  take  his  small  squadron  into  active  ser 
vice  he  was  relieved  in  September  by  Captain  A.  H. 
Foote,  to  whom  belongs  the  credit  of  the  organization 
of  the  Mississippi  flotilla. 

Foote  added  nine  vessels,  built  expressly  for  the  ser 
vice,  to  the  three  which  Rodgers  had  already  secured, 
making  up  the  total  of  the  flotilla  to  twelve.  Of  the 
later  vessels,  seven  were  armored,  and  a  general  descrip 
tion  of  them  is  as  follows  :  Length,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  feet ;  beam,  fifty-one  and  a  half  feet ; 
draught,  six  feet ;  the  hulls  were  of  wood,  built  with 
a  central  casemate,  with  sides  sloping  at  an  angle  of 
about  thirty-five  degrees,  inclosing  the  wheel  at  the 
stern  of  the  boat,  and  plated  with  two  and  a  half 
inches  of  iron.  This  casemate  formed  a  quadrilateral 
gun-deck,  on  which  the  battery  of  from  thirteen  to  six 
teen  guns  was  mounted.  Three  of  these  guns,  and 
these  the  heaviest,  pointed  directly  forward.  The  ves 
sels  were  propelled  by  a  single  stern  wheel,  and  most  of 
them  had  their  machinery  and  boilers  on  deck,  though 
in  the  Benton,  the  heaviest  of  all,  which  mounted  sixteen 
guns,  the  machinery  was  below.  The  heaviest  of  the 
guns  were  ten-inch  Dahlgrens  ;  the  rest  were  sixty-four- 
pounders  (eight-inch),  forty-two-pounders  (seven-inch 
converted  rifles),  and  thirty-two-pounders.  The  smooth 
bore  guns  fired  solid  or  cored  roundshot,  shell,  grape, 
or  canister,  as  the  occasion  required.  The  speed  of 
these  vessels  was  just  about  sufficient  to  stem  the  cur 
rent  of  the  Mississippi,  and  they  were  extremely  awk 
ward  in  manoeuvre,  on  account  of  their  great  beam  and 


218  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  single  stern  wheel.  The  wheel  and  machinery  were 
a  weak  point,  being  inadequately  protected,  and  conse 
quently  very  liable  to  damage  by  the  enemy's  shot. 

When  Captain  Foote  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  flotilla  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  flag  officer, 
and  hoisted  his  flag  on  board  the  Benton.  The  first 
important  action  in  which  the  flotilla  engaged  was  Fort 
Henry,  and  its  success  here  immediately  gained  a  pres 
tige  for  the  squadron  which  it  never  afterwards  lost. 
In  the  struggle  for  the  Mississippi,  or  at  least  in  that 
part  of  it  which  took  place  in  the  north,  and  in  the 
advance  of  the  army  and  flotilla  in  Tennessee,  the  first 
strong  line  of  Confederate  defense  was  from  Columbus 
on  the  Mississippi  River  to  the  Cumberland  Mountains, 
including  the  strongholds  of  Fort  Henry  on  the  Tennes 
see  River  and  Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland.  These 
two  posts  were  not  far  distant  from  each  other  by  land, 
and  it  was  apparent  to  the  Federal  commanders,  Gen 
erals  Grant  and  Smith,  and  Commodore  Foote,  that  by 
seizing  and  occupying  these  posts  at  the  middle  of  the 
line,  they  would  render  the  extremities,  at  Columbus 
and  Bowling  Green,  untenable  to  the  enemy  and  force 
him  back  to  the  south.  Accordingly  Fort  Henry  was 
attacked  by  the  flotilla  on  the  6th  of  February,  1862, 
and  surrendered,  after  a  desperate  resistance.  Fort 
Donelson  was  attacked  by  the  flotilla  on  the  14th  and 
carried  by  assault  by  the  army  on  the  16th.  The  Con 
federates  now  evacuated  Columbus,  which  was  strongly 
fortified, —  in  fact  too  strongly  to  have  been  carried  by 
the  flotilla  alone,  or  indeed  by  the  combined  land  and 
naval  forces  without  a  protracted  siege,  —  and  fell  back 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  219 

to  the  southward,  upon  a  line  whose  points  were  Island 
No.  10,  in  the  Mississippi ;  Fort  Pillow,  eighty  miles 
above  Memphis,  on  the  Mississippi ;  Corinth,  and  Chat 
tanooga.  Island  No.  10  was  surrendered  to  the  flotilla 
on  April  7th ;  and  in  the  meantime  the  army  had 
advanced  on  Pittsburg  Landing  and  Shiloh,  where  was 
fought  the  bloody  battle  of  the  5th  and  6th.  But  the 
Confederate  forces  rested  at  Corinth,  which  was  not 
finally  evacuated  until  the  29th  of  May.  After  the 
surrender  of  Island  No.  10,  Flag  Officer  Foote  dropped 
down  the  river,  where  he  lay  above  Fort  Pillow,  a  posi 
tion  which  was  very  strongly  fortified,  and  which  now 
represented  the  extreme  left  of  the  enemy's  line.  Here 
he  remained  for  a  month,  and  such  was  the  position  of 
the  land  and  naval  forces  when  Davis  relieved  Foote  in 
front  of  Fort  Pillow  on  the  9th  of  May. 

While  the  operations  which  have  been  briefly  de 
scribed  were  in  progress,  the  Confederates  themselves 
had  not  been  idle  in  naval  matters,  and  had  put  afloat 
a  squadron  of  gunboats  intended  to  contest  with  the 
Union  flotilla  the  supremacy  of  the  river.  Davis's  old- 
time  shipmate  George  N.  Hollins,  who  held  the  rank 
of  commodore  in  the  Confederate  service,  and  the  com 
mand  of  the  naval  forces  of  the  Confederacy  on  the 
Mississippi,  was  at  New  Orleans  preparing  for  the 
threatened  attack  by  the  squadron  of  Flag  Officer 
Farragut,  when  he  was  summoned  to  Memphis  to 
superintend  the  preparation  of  the  northern  flotilla. 
He  obeyed  the  order  with  reluctance ;  but  by  his 
efforts,  when  Davis  assumed  command  of  the  Union 
fleet,  there  were  eight  Confederate  gunboats  ready  for 


220  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

action.  These  vessels  were  converted  steamers  and  had 
the  advantage  of  the  Federal  ships  in  speed,  though  not 
in  armament,  and  some  of  them  were  fitted  and  used  as 
rams.  The  Federal  flotilla  had  been  strengthened  by 
the  addition  of  several  mortar-boats,  scows  with  no 
motive  power,  and  carrying  each  one  mortar ;  and  the 
absence  of  several  vessels  on  detached  service  left  the 
total  number  of  gunboats  at  eight. 

Farragut's  squadron  had  passed  the  forts  below  New 
Orleans  on  the  24th  of  April,  seventeen  days  after  the 
surrender  of  Island  No.  10 ;  and  it  now  became  the 
immediate  naval  policy  of  the  campaign  to  draw  the 
two  squadrons  together  towards  Vicksburg,  while  at 
the  same  time  the  tributary  streams  were  to  be  cleared. 
The  first  step  in  this  direction  from  the  north  was  the 
destruction  of  the  Confederate  naval  power  on  the 
river.  As  long  as  the  Confederate  forces  held  Corinth, 
their  gunboats  were  safe  under  the  guns  or  below  the 
fortifications  of  Fort  Pillow,  and  Memphis  was  their 
base.  Here  they  had  a  navy  yard  and  workshops,  and 
here  their  squadron  had  been  equipped ;  and  the  Union 
commander  remained  in  ignorance  of  its  strength. 
There  were  rumors  of  the  formidable  character  of 
some  of  these  vessels,  but  the  Confederates  were  in  a 
position  to  offer  or  decline  battle  as  they  saw  fit,  and 
up  to  the  9th  of  May  they  had  shown  themselves  only 
occasionally  round  the  bend  of  the  fortifications,  and 
on  these  occasions  had  always  avoided  an  encounter 
with  the  Federal  fleet.  From  its  position  above  Fort 
Pillow,  the  flotilla  of  Foote  was  in  almost  daily  commu 
nication  with  its  base  at  Cairo,  and  its  mail-boats,  tugs, 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  221 

and  supply-boats  were  constantly  passing  to  and  fro, 
bringing  supplies  for  the  squadron,  while  the  mortar- 
boats,  moored  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  were 
steadily  bombarding  Fort  Pillow.  The  course  of  the 
Mississippi  is  here  very  tortuous ;  but  it  is  convenient 
to  use  the  words  up  and  down,  above  and  below,  in 
relation  to  the  current  of  the  river,  and  not  to  the 
points  of  the  compass. 

When  Davis  had  been  ordered  to  Washington  in 
March,  from  the  South  Atlantic  Blockading  Squadron, 
it  had  been  with  the  intention  on  the  part  of  the  de 
partment  that  he  should  relieve  Commodore  McKean  in 
command  of  the  East  Gulf  Squadron.  The  intentions 
of  the  department  had  changed,  and  Davis  had  felt  no 
particular  regret,  because  the  operations  of  this  squad 
ron  had  no  promise  of  importance.  He  was  retained  at 
the  department,  however,  as  he  himself  expressed  it, 
with  the  indefinite  idea  that  he  might  be  wanted  ;  and 
early  in  May  he  had  been  sent  to  New  York  to  make 
another  examination  of  the  Stevens  Battery.1  While 

1  This  vessel  had  a  curious  history.  She  was  laid  down  in  1842,  in 
accordance  with  an  act  of  Congress  authorizing  the  construction  of  an 
ironclad  floating  battery  for  harbor  defense.  She  had  been  hardly  begun 
when  Commodore  Stockton  demonstrated,  by  experiments  on  targets  re 
presenting  the  thickness  of  her  armor,  that  she  could  be  penetrated  by 
shot.  She  was,  therefore,  rejected  by  the  government.  Her  designer 
undertook  to  finish  the  vessel,  and  she  was  examined  by  a  board  of  naval 
officers  in  1861,  and  again  rejected.  At  the  death  of  her  owner  in  1865, 
she  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  $1,000,000 
being  bequeathed  to  complete  her.  The  money  was  expended  under  the 
direction  of  General  George  B.  McClellan,  and  entirely  new  machinery 
built  for  the  ship.  She  was  still  uncompleted  in  1874,  and  the  money 
all  expended.  After  several  unsuccessful  efforts  on  he  part  of  the  State 
to  dispose  of  her,  she  was  finally  broken  up  and  sold  for  old  material. 


222  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

on  this  duty  he  received  a  telegram  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  directing  him  to  report  to  Flag  Officer 
Foote  for  temporary  duty  with  the  Mississippi  flotilla. 

Foote  had  received  a  wound  at  Fort  Donelson,  which 
was  slight  at  first,  and  which  he  made  light  of  and 
neglected.  It  had,  however,  proved  to  be  more  serious 
than  anticipated,  and  had  become  troublesome,  and, 
under  the  strain  of  work,  anxiety,  and  responsibility, 
his  general  health  had  failed.  He  had  asked  that 
Davis  might  be  sent  out  to  assist  him,  with  no  idea 
that  he  himself  would  be  obliged  to  relinquish  his 
duties ;  but  before  Davis  arrived  he  had  grown  worse, 
and  it  was  evident  that  he  must  give  up  the  command, 
temporarily  at  least.  There  will  be  more  to  say  on 
this  subject  later,  but  for  the  present  it  is  sufficient 
that  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the  Secretary's 
telegram,  and  without  returning  to  Washington,  Davis 
started  for  the  West,  reached  Cairo  on  the  8th  of  May, 
and,  taking  the  mail-boat  down  the  river,  he  relieved 
Foote  in  command  of  the  Mississippi  flotilla  on  the  9th. 

FLAG  STEAMER  BENTON, 
OFF  FORT  PILLOW,  May  9,  1862. 

...  I  came  down  last  night,  as  I  said  I  should  in  my  note 
of  yesterday,  and  breakfasted  with  Foote  on  board  this  vessel 
this  morning.  He  was  in  bed  when  I  came  on  board,  and  he 
was  so  overpowered  at  the  sight  of  me  that  he  was  unable 
for  some  moments  to  speak.  The  scene  was  very  touching  ; 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  was  not  without  a  badge  of  bitterness. 
We  both  shed  tears.  I  find  Foote  very  reduced  in  strength, 
fallen  off  in  flesh,  and  depressed  in  spirits.  His  foot  is  pain 
ful  and  requires  rest ;  his  digestive  organs  are  deranged  by  the 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  223 

disease  of  the  climate  ;  and  his  mind  is  exhausted  by  incessant 
labor,  strain,  and  responsibility. 

Still,  though  he  looks  sick,  though  he  is  thin  and  worn,  and 
his  face  is  marked  with  the  lines  of  suffering  and  the  expres 
sion  of  disease,  yet  I  do  not  think  that  his  health  is  seriously 
impaired.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  will  be  perfectly  restored, 
and  in  a  short  time,  by  rest  and  the  cheerful  influences  of  his 
home  and  family.  He  goes  to  his  brother's  in  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  and  leaves  me  in  temporary  charge  during  his  absence. 
He  hopes  and  expects  to  return  and  resume  his  command,  and 
this  vessel  will  continue  to  carry  his  flag. 

He  does  everything  to  make  me  comfortable,  leaving  all  his 
table  and  bed-linen,  and  his  crockery,  glass,  silver,  etc.  He 
will  want  them  if  he  comes  back,  and  if  he  does  not  return 
I  am  to  continue  to  use  them. 

It  excites  a  very  deep  sentiment  to  look  back  to  our  early 
association  as  boys  in  the  frigate  United  States^  where  we 
became  intimate,  and  studied  together  for  our  examination. 
The  examination  of  midshipmen  was  instituted  a  year  or  two 
after  I  entered  the  service,  and  Foote  and  I  saw  at  once  the 
necessity  for  commencing  preparations  to  meet  this  formida 
ble  trial.  We  often  say  that  we  wrote  the  first  book  of  sea 
manship  (MS.)  that  ever  was  written  in  the  service.  Many 
the  hour  and  day  in  which  we  sat  side  by  side  at  our  task. 
The  commonplace  reflection  arises  in  my  mind  of  how  little 
we  could  then,  or  at  any  time  indeed  of  our  lives,  have  antici 
pated  meeting  under  such  circumstances  as  the  present.  .  .  . 
I  shall  soon  write  again.  Everything  is  a  blur  as  yet.  When 
the  mist  of  newness  passes  off  I  may  have  something  to  tell 
you.  .  .  .  Foote  leaves  me  a  mosquito  net  and  a  straw  hat. 
We  had  for  breakfast  this  morning  venison,  ortolans,  and 
squirrel ;  we  have  for  dinner  wild  turkey,  and  our  table  is 
constantly  supplied  with  game. 

May  10th.  We  had  a  smart  affair  this  morning  before 
breakfast.  The  rebel  gunboats  came  up  in  gallant  style, 


224  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

prepared  for  a  regular  engagement.  The  action  lasted  an 
hour,  at  the  expiration  of  which  the  enemy,  defeated  and 
disabled,  retreated  in  haste  or  dropped  out  of  action.  George 
Hollins  commanded  the  rebel  fleet,  I  am  told ;  he  was  recog 
nized,  it  is  said.1  Two  of  my  gunboats  were  badly  injured. 
I  fear  poor  Captain  Stembel  is  mortally  wounded. 

I  send  this  hasty  word  to  assure  you  of  my  comfortable 
condition.  You,  of  course,  under  no  persuasion,  publish  any 
thing  I  write  you  of  a  public  nature. 

"  And  after,  this  ;  and  then  to  breakfast  with 
What  appetite  you  have." 

The  breakfast  was  well  seasoned. 

May  llth.  The  enemy  came  up  yesterday  in  very  gal 
lant  style ;  the  vessels  were  commanded  by  spirited  fellows, 
who  had  evidently  made  up  their  minds  to  take  it  at  the 
closest  quarters  and  in  the  roughest  way.  We  had  scouts 
out  yesterday,  and  we  find  that  they  are  hard  at  work  re 
pairing  damages,  though  only  six  of  their  gunboats  were  in 
sight.  These  gunboats  of  the  rebels  were  built,  I  believe,  by 
individual  subscriptions  ;  and  Colonel  Fitch,  the  military  com 
mander  here,  had  in  his  hands  day  before  yesterday  two 
numbers  of  a  Memphis  paper  in  which  the  severest  com 
ments  were  made  upon  the  inefficiency  of  their  commanders. 
Colonel  Fitch  said,  when  he  told  me  of  it,  that  he  thought 
they  would  be  stimulated  to  some  effort  of  a  desperate  nature. 

It  is  evident  that  the  public  opinion,  such  as  it  may  be, 
demands  some  effort,  some  display  of  earnestness  and  deter 
mination,  on  the  part  of  these  people,  who  have  collected  a 
force  without,  at  first,  any  apparent  purpose  of  using  it.  I 
have  no  doubt  we  shall  have  another  fight  soon  if  our  gun 
boats  do  not  come  up  the  river,  or  if  Corinth  and  Memphis 
do  not  fall. 

1  It  does  not  appear  that  Hollins  was  in  the  fight.  The  Confederate 
report  of  the  action  is  signed  by  J.  E.  Montgomery,  senior  captain  com 
manding. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  225 

My  official  report  goes  home  by  this  mail.1 

It  is  curious,  my  getting  out  here,  and  getting  Foote  off 
just  in  the  nick  of  time.  The  old  fellow  had  only  been  out 
of  the  ship  about  fifteen  hours  when  the  fight  took  place.  If 
the  Cincinnati  and  Mound  City  were  not  so  completely 
crippled  Colonel  Fitch  and  I  would  be  already  engaged  in 
the  execution  of  a  plan  for  reducing  Fort  Pillow,  of  which  he 
is  the  author,  and  which  I  found  on  the  tapis  when  I  came 
out.  As  it  is,  we  must  wait  for  several  days.  ... 

I  will  tell  you,  in  confidence,  that  the  Cincinnati  and 
Mound  City  were  so  much  injured  by  the  enemy's  rams  that 
it  was  necessary  to  let  them  run  up  on  the  bank  and  settle. 
The  latter  is  free  again,  but  not  repaired.  The  Cincinnati 
has  the  water  in  her  yet. 

It  is  not  evident  that  the  Confederate  commander 
knew  that  Foote  had  just  been  relieved,  though  it  is 
probable  that  he  may  have  received  this  information ; 
and  it  looks  as  if  he  had  taken  this  opportunity  to 
attack  while  the  new  commander  was  still  fresh  and 
unaccustomed  to  his  surroundings.  Although  it  was 
Davis's  habit  of  mind  to  prepare  for  action  by  a  regu 
lar  process  of  reflection,  in  this  case,  if  in  no  other  of 
his  life,  he  was  forced  to  act  on  the  spur  of  the  mo 
ment.  At  the  commencement  of  the  battle  of  Fort 
Pillow,  the  advantage  was  decidedly  with  the  enemy. 
He  had  chosen  his  own  time  to  attack,  while  the  com 
mander  of  the  Union  fleet  was  entirely  new  to  the 
work,  and  without  experience  in  river  warfare ;  and  his 
ships  had  the  great  advantages  of  superiority  of  speed 
and  of  the  support  of  Fort  Pillow.  If  it  had  not  been 

1  For  Davis's  official  reports  while  in  command  of  the  Mississippi  flo 
tilla,  see  the  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  for  1862,  Appendix. 


226  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

for  these  advantages,  the  disabled  Confederate  vessels 
would  have  been  either  captured  or  destroyed  in  this 
action,  as  they  were  a  month  later  at  Memphis ;  but 
Da  vis's  sphere  was  limited  by  the  guns  of  the  very 
powerful  batteries  of  Fort  Pillow,  and  his  ships  were 
too  slow  to  chase.  All  he  could  do  was  to  beat  the 
enemy  back  to  shelter. 

On  the  morning  of  May  10th,  Davis's  flotilla  was 
lying  in  two  divisions,  with  steam  up,  the  first  division 
of  four  ironclad  gunboats  moored  to  the  Tennessee 
shore,  and  the  second  division,  of  unarmored  vessels, 
moored  to  the  Arkansas  shore.  The  enemy  appeared 
at  the  bend  of  the  river  at  a  few  minutes  past  seven 
o'clock,  prepared  for  battle.  In  obedience  to  a  signal 
from  the  Benton,  the  Union  vessels  immediately  cast 
off  their  lines.  All  were  lying  with  their  bows  down 
stream.  The  leading  vessels  of  the  enemy's  squadron 
made  directly  for  mortar-boat  No.  16,  which  was,  for 
the  moment,  unprotected.  The  master  of  this  vessel, 
Acting  Master  Gregory,  behaved  with  great  spirit,  and 
used  his  mortar  with  a  depressed  elevation  and  reduced 
charge.  Captain  Stembel,  in  the  Cincinnati,  which 
was  the  leading  vessel  on  that  side  of  the  river,  and 
Captain  Kilty,  in  the  Mound  City,  coming  to  the 
support  of  the  mortar-boat,  were  rammed  repeatedly; 
but  at  the  closest  quarters,  and  with  the  muzzles  of 
her  guns  almost  touching  the  enemy's  sides,  the  Cin 
cinnati  poured  a  broadside  into  the  ship  which  had 
rammed  her,  which  drifted  downstream  totally  dis 
abled.  In  this  encounter,  however,  Captain  Stembel1 

1  Captain  Stembel  recovered  from  bis  wound,  and  still  lives,  a  retired 
rear  admiral. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  227 

was  severely  wounded  by  sharp-shooters  on  the  enemy's 
decks.  By  this  time  the  action  had  become  general ; 
the  Cincinnati  was  rammed  again,  but  a  shot  from  the 
bow-gun  of  the  Benton  exploded  the  boiler  of  the  ves 
sel  which  had  rammed  her.  The  loss  of  life  on  board 
this  ship  was  frightful.  Both  the  leading  vessels  of 
the  enemy's  line  were  disabled  by  the  fire  of  the  Ben- 
ton,  and,  like  the  vessel  which  had  first  rammed  the 
Cincinnati,  drifted  downstream  disabled.  The  third 
of  the  enemy's  vessels  of  the  western  line  was  also 
blown  up  in  her  boilers  and  drifted  out  of  action.  The 
fight  lasted  the  better  part  of  an  hour,  the  remaining 
ships  of  the  enemy  retreating  in  haste  below  the  guns 
of  Fort  Pillow.  The  Cincinnati  and  Mound  City 
were  run  on  the  bank  and  settled,  but  were  immedi 
ately  afterwards  freed  and  repaired.1  The  casualties 
on  the  Union  side  were  slight,  but  the  loss  on  the 
part  of  the  Confederates  must  have  been  enormous. 
Captain  Phelps,  of  the  Benton,  estimates  that  every  man 
on  board  the  ship  which  was  blown  up  by  the  first  shot 
from  the  Benton' s  rifled  bow-gun  was  either  killed  or 
disabled ;  and  the  Union  commander  learned  from  de 
serters  a  few  days  after  the  battle  that  one  hundred 
and  eight  were  buried  on  shore  at  one  tune. 

This  action,  like  the  one  succeeding  it  at  Memphis, 
was  the  roughest  kind  of  hand-to-hand  fighting;  for 
the  narrowness  of  the  river  between  the  banks  left  little 
room  for  manoeuvring,  and  after  the  fleets  were  once 
engaged,  where  both  sides  were  willing,  it  was  neces- 

1  See  the  official  report.  The  best  detailed  account  of  this  action  is  in 
the  letter  of  Captain  S.  L.  Phelps,  commanding  the  Benton,  to  Commo 
dore  Foote.  Vide  Hoppin's  Life  of  Foote,  p.  317. 


228  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

sarily  a  promiscuous  fight.  The  want  of  protection 
over  the  boilers  and  machinery,  in  these  river  vessels, 
exposed  them  to  damages  in  which  casualties  became  a 
general  calamity. 

This  was  the  first  purely  naval  engagement  of  the 
war  in  which  squadron  was  pitted  against  squadron,  and 
it  was  contested  with  great  spirit  on  both  sides. 

Davis's  first  care  after  the  battle  of  Fort  Pillow  was 
to  free  the  Cincinnati  and  Mound  City  of  water  and 
repair  them.  It  was  necessary  to  send  the  Cincinnati 
to  the  depot  at  Cairo,  but  her  place  was  taken  by  the 
Louisville,  a  sister  ship,  which  joined  the  flag  two  days 
after  the  fight.  On  the  16th  Davis  wrote :  — 

I  am  happy  to  say  that  the  gunboat  Cincinnati  left  yes 
terday  for  Cairo.  She  has  been  a  great  trouble  to  me.  Her 
injuries  proved  to  be  so  much  greater  than  at  first  supposed, 
that  I  had  at  one  time  very  serious  apprehensions  that  she 
would  not  be  raised  in  time  to  get  her  off  the  bank,  the  river 
is  falling  so  fast. 

The  only  trouble  was  not  the  loss  of  the  boat.  Her  help 
less  condition  confined  me  to  a  spot  somewhat  nearer  to  the 
enemy's  batteries  than  I  care  to  lie  at  all  times,  especially  if 
deprived  of  the  power  of  motion.  I  am  now  free  to  move 
again. 

I  see  here  the  Chicago  and  other  Western  papers  chiefly. 
There  is  great  rejoicing  in  this  section  of  the  country  over 
our  victory  of  the  10th  inst.  The  dread  of  the  rebel  rams 
and  gunboats  along  the  rivers  was  similar  to  that  once  enter 
tained  on  the  seacoast  concerning  the  Merrimac.  It  was 
feared,  and  foretold  by  the  alarmists,  that  they  would  pass 
this  squadron,  and  lay  the  Northern  cities  under  contribu 
tion.  Their  speed  would  enable  them  to  do  so,  but  they 
would  not  dare  to  attempt  the  passage  of  Island  No.  10. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  229 

The  feeling  in  the  East  will  be  indifferent,  I  suppose,  par 
ticularly  now  the  public  mind  is  absorbed  by  the  brilliant 
achievement  of  the  army. 

General  Quinby  came  to  see  me  early  this  morning,  to 
concoct  plans  for  the  capture  of  Fort  Pillow. 

The  following  note  from  Foote  was  received  on  the 
18th:  — 

CLEVELAND,  May  15,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  DAVIS,  —  I  congratulate  you,  and  hope  that  a 
vote  of  thanks  and  passage  of  the  naval  bill  will  make  you 
an  admiral  for  your  ready  coming  to  my  relief  when  too  ill  to 
do  my  duty,  and  making  such  a  glorious  fight. 

I  was  interested  to  find  those  fellows  so  plucky,  and  must 
confess  to  some  little  envy  in  not  being  able  to  have  taken  a 
hand  in  your  dashing  affair. 

I  reached  here  with  less  fatigue  than  I  anticipated,  but  was 
bored  by  the  good  people  everywhere  to  speak  and  show  my 
self.  I  feel  it  to  be  unmerited  on  my  part,  this  wonderful 
attention,  and  it  is  particularly  unpleasant  associated  with  my 
leaving  to  you  liability  for  another  fight  at  any  moment. 

I  am  in  a  great  hurry  to  return  and  relieve  you ;  my  heart 
is  with  the  flotilla,  but  I  was  in  a  condition  wholly  unfit  to 
command  when  I  left,  and  did  right  in  leaving,  as  the  inter 
ests  of  the  flotilla  required  it.  ...  I  feel  rather  better,  and 
hope  in  two  weeks  to  leave  for  Cairo  to  join  you  as  soon  as 
possible. 

Excuse  my  incoherent  note. 

Yours  ever  affectionately, 

A.  H.  FOOTE. 

Fort  Pillow  was  situated  at  a  point  where  the  river 
makes  a  decided  bend  under  the  bluffs,  and  the  water 
batteries  extended  along  the  shore,  in  the  curve,  for  a 


230  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

mile  and  a  half.  They  mounted  about  forty  heavy 
guns,  one  of  which  was  a  ten-inch,  the  rest  being  rifled 
sixty-four  and  thirty-two  pounders.  On  the  bluffs  above 
the  water  batteries  the  Confederates  had  constructed  a 
line  of  intrenchments,  so  as  to  occupy  the  ridges  of  a 
series  of  hills,  and  in  these  about  thirty  field-pieces 
were  posted  at  the  most  advantageous  positions  in  the 
salients.  The  camps  of  a  large  garrison  were  situated 
in  the  rear  of  the  batteries,  and  capacious  magazines 
had  been  dug  in  the  sides  of  the  hills,  which  were  re 
ported  to  contain  a  large  supply  of  ammunition.  The 
post  was  commanded  by  General  Villepique,  a  native 
of  New  Orleans,  who  was  said  to  be,  next  to  Beau- 
regard,  the  best  engineer  in  the  Confederate  service. 
The  Confederates  placed  great  reliance  on  his  military 
skill,  and  on  the  strength  of  these  works,  which  were, 
in  fact,  sufficiently  powerful  to  hold  the  Union  flotilla 
in  check. 

General  Quinby,  who  commanded  on  the  right  of 
the  Federal  line,  was  in  daily  expectation  of  reinforce 
ments,  and  the  plan  of  attack  was  an  assault  on  the 
part  of  the  army,  supported  by  a  bombardment  from 
the  mortar-boats  and  a  direct  attack  by  the  fleet ;  but 
the  extent  of  the  works  made  this  plan  very  uncertain, 
unless  a  large  number  of  troops  could  be  employed. 
The  enemy's  gunboats  remained  quiescent  below  the 
fort ;  in  fact,  they  had  been  very  seriously  damaged  in 
the  fight  of  the  10th.  As  Captain  Phelps  wrote  to 
Commodore  Foote,1  "The  loss  of  the  rebels  must  have 
been  very  heavy.  Their  vessels  were  literally  torn  to 

1  Hoppin's  Life  of  Foote,  p.  318. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  231 

pieces,  and  some  had  holes  in  their  sides  through  which 
a  man  could  walk.  Those  that  hlew  up,  —  it  makes  me 
shudder  to  think  of  them."  Davis  knew,  however,  that 
they  were  repairing  damages  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and 
he  expected  another  attack  from  them.  His  mortar- 
boats  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  on  the  fort,  to  which 
the  enemy's  guns  occasionally  responded ;  and  about 
this  time  his  squadron  was  reinforced  by  the  addition 
of  several  rams,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Ellet. 
It  was  one  of  the  peculiarities  of  his  position  that  Ellet 
could  attach  himself  to  the  squadron  without  coming 
under  his  command.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  free 
lance ;  a  civilian  adventurer,  who  was  not  even  under 
military  authority,  and  who  acted  exactly  according  to 
his  own  fancy,  receiving  orders  from  no  one.  His 
vessels  were  ordinary  river-steamers  mounting  no  guns, 
and  acting  as  rams  only.  They  were  strengthened  by 
longitudinal  beams  of  wood ;  the  boilers  and  machinery 
were  protected  by  logs  and  cotton-bales ;  and  they  were 
superior  in  speed  to  the  gunboats.  Of  course  Ellet 
could  only  move  when  the  squadron  moved,  as  his 
vessels  were  powerless  unless  supported  by  the  gun 
boats  ;  but  he  was  in  a  position  to  take  a  free  hand  in 
anything  that  was  going  on,  and,  as  will  be  seen  later, 
he  handled  his  vessels  with  great  boldness  in  the  battle 
at  Memphis,  although  only  two  of  them  were  engaged, 
and  he  himself  was  mortally  wounded,  and  was  men 
tioned  in  dispatches  by  Davis.  His  wound  was  not 
considered  serious  at  first,  and  he  probably  would  have 
recovered  had  he  regarded  the  surgeon's  advice;  but 
he  really  died  from  incessant  writing  to  the  newspapers. 


232  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Notoriety  seems  to  have  been  a  mania  with  him.  He 
left  the  rams  to  the  command  of  his  brother,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Ellet.  Ellet  and  his  rams  will  be  men 
tioned  in  the  narrative  whenever  their  services  occur ; 
but  as  the  elder  Ellet  had  succeeded  in  gaining  what 
was  probably  the  height  of  his  ambition,  —  an  extended 
notoriety,  —  and  as  his  actions  were  coincident  with 
and  dependent  upon  the  movements  of  Davis's  flotilla, 
his  whole  history,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  the  operations 
on  the  Mississippi,  must  be  considered  in  its  just  and 
proper  value. 

The  following  passages  are  selected  from  Davis's  let 
ters  while  lying  off  Fort  Pillow  :  — 

May  21st.  General  Quinby  came  down  last  evening  with 
reinforcements,  and  last  night  we  had  a  council  of  war.  Ac 
cording  to  the  best  information,  they  [the  rebels]  have  very 
few  people  now  at  Fort  Pillow.  The  story  is  that  they  have 
gone  down  to  Randolph  [a  fortified  post  on  the  river,  between 
Fort  Pillow  and  Memphis],  Their  gunboats  are  not  in  their 
usual  anchorage.  Our  plot  is  a  good  plot.  We  require  a 
little  luck  to  carry  it  through  successfully. 

There  are  at  Cairo  and  St.  Louis,  on  the  stocks  and  un 
finished,  vessels  that  would  make  us  perfect  masters  of  the 
river  and  everything  in  it.  But  they  will  not  be  finished  till 
the  war  is  over.  Is  not  this  truly  provoking  ? 

May  24th.  You  must  know  for  your  further  comfort  that 
my  squadron  has  been  increased  by  the  return  of  the  gun 
boat  Mound  City,  and  the  addition  of  four  vessels  that  may 
be  described  in  the  language  of  the  law  as  abutters,  or,  in 
Scriptural  phrase,  as  Buzites  of  the  kindred  of  Ram.  Others 
of  the  same  sort  are  expected.  They  are  not  good  for  much 
in  reality,  but  they  are  so  formidable  in  appearance  that  they 
would  strike  terror  to  the  soul  of  Kilhard. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  233 

I  cannot  tell  what  damage  I  did  to  the  rebel  fleet.  Two 
of  their  vessels  dropped  out  of  action,  enveloped  in  steam  and 
smoke,  in  the  first  fifteen  minutes,  and  one  appeared  to  sink 
as  she  rounded  the  point.  The  information  given  by  the 
refugees  (who  are  numerous)  is,  that  she  was  kept  afloat 
twenty-four  hours  and  then  sank,  and  that  we  killed  one 
hundred  and  eight  of  the  rebels.  This  is  the  least  estimate  ; 
others  give  more. 

I  am  doing  nothing  just  now.  General  Quinby,  after 
reconnoitring  the  ground,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he 
had  not  men  enough  to  undertake  the  combined  movement 
we  had  agreed  upon,  and  he  has  gone  back  to  wait  for  more. 
I  will  keep  you  posted  up  as  to  my  movements. 

May  28th.  A  party  of  deserters  from  the  fort  came  in 
day  before  yesterday,  and  another  yesterday.  They  agree  in 
the  number  of  troops,  etc.,  and  also  in  portraying  the  con 
dition  of  the  rebel  soldiers  as  one  of  suffering  from  want  of 
good  and  sufficient  food,  and  of  general  disgust  and  discon 
tent.  They  say  that  there  would  be  a  great  many  desertions 
if  less  watchfulness  were  observed.  The  men  do  not  share 
with  the  officers  in  their  violent  animosities.  .  .  .  Nothing 
could  be  more  tame  and  uninteresting  than  the  present  state 
of  things.  Our  mortars  go  off  about  once  in  five  minutes ; 
those  of  the  rebels,  only  occasionally.  General  Quinby  I 
have  not  heard  from  since  he  went  back  to  Hickman.  But  I 
have  no  idea  he  will  be  able  to  get  reinforcements  till  after 
the  fate  of  Corinth  is  decided ;  and  without  them,  no  attack 
can  be  judiciously  attempted  upon  Fort  Pillow.  The  service, 
which  consists  in  standing  and  waiting,  is  suited  to  us,  but 
not  at  all  to  the  other  side,  to  whom  delay  is  the  moth  and 
rust  that  doth  corrupt. 

May  29th.  I  have  now  an  addition  of  five  or  six  rams  to 
the  squadron,  and  the  gunboats  have  received  the  protection 
of  cypress  logs  and  of  iron  rails  in  their  weakest  parts.  If 
I  could  get  at  them  [the  enemy's  fleet]  I  should  make  the 


234  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

attack  myself,  and  my  own  anxiety  is  now,  not  to  avoid,  but 
to  renew  the  fight  clear  of  the  guns  of  Fort  Pillow.  I  say  to 
you,  what  is  literally  true,  that  what  is  written  by  the  news 
paper  correspondents  is  the  merest  twaddle,  —  a  mixture  of 
fact  and  speculation,  of  observation  and  invention,  from  which 
even  I,  on  the  spot,  should  find  it  difficult  to  separate  the 
true  from  the  guess.  You  may  be  amused  with  it,  but  not 
seriously  affected.  The  reporters  live  on  board  a  steamer  a 
mile  or  two  up  the  river,  and  glean  the  substance  of  their 
communications  from  hearsay. 

I  am  sending  a  steamer  up  the  river  to-day  to  pick  up  the 
poor  refugees,  who  stand  on  the  banks  begging  our  mail-boats 
to  take  them  on  board  with  their  families. 

May  30th.  I  must  fulfill  my  promise  to  tell  you  something 
about  this  vessel.  The  captain  of  the  ship,  Lieutenant-Com 
manding  S.  L.  Phelps,1  is  my  messmate ;  he  is  an  uncom 
monly  clever  officer,  a  person  of  superior  education,  and  a 
very  amiable  companion.  He  manages  the  affairs  of  the 
mess,  and,  you  will  be  glad  to  hear,  likes  fresh  strawberries, 
lettuce,  and  radishes ;  sends  for  Mackinaw  trout ;  orders  fresh 
gooseberry  tarts  (resembling  in  this  respect  the  Queen  of 
Hearts) ;  keeps  always  a  plentiful  supply  of  ice,  sometimes 
with  mutton  on  it ;  and,  finally,  is  very  fond  of  tea,  which  he 
makes  with  scrupulous  care  himself. 

My  quarters  are  well  enough  in  themselves,  though  small, 
and,  compared  with  the  Wabash,  mean;  but  they  are  not 
well  situated.  They  are  amidships  of  the  vessel:  on  one 
side  of  them  are  the  pantry  and  cooking-stove ;  on  the  other, 

1  Captain  Phelps  served  throughout  the  war  on  the  Mississippi,  and 
was  in  action  and  under  fire  oftener,  perhaps,  than  any  officer  of  the 
navy.  Like  others  who  served  on  the  river,  his  services  were  not  ap 
preciated  by  the  department.  He  resigned  at  the  close  of  the  war,  was 
at  one  time  a  Commissioner  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  he  rendered 
distinguished  service  as  United  States  Minister  to  Peru  during  the  war 
between  that  country  and  Chili. 


FORT  PILLOW  AXD  MEMPHIS  235 

the  marines ;  so  that  I  am  exposed  to  all  the  noises,  sights, 
and  smells  of  the  vessel,  and  am  subject  to  being  always  over 
looked  if  I  let  down  the  blinds  and  open  the  doors,  and  to 
being  suffocated  if  I  don't.  Added  to  these  inconveniences, 
the  cabin  is  dark.  But  it  is  well  enough  for  the  present. 

The  proper  flagship  of  the  squadron  is  a  vessel  called  the 
Eastport,  now  in  the  hands  of  the  mechanics  at  Mound  City, 
four  or  six  miles  [six]  above  Cairo.  She  is  large,  well  built, 
and  protected,  with  good  power  and  speed,  and  I  hope  her 
accommodations  will  be  satisfactory  and  well-placed.  This 
vessel  has  no  speed,  will  hardly  overcome  the  current  of  the 
river,  and  is  a  mere  tub  and  beast.  Happily  she  is  not  very 
valuable. 

May  81st.  Fort  Pillow  has  neither  been  evacuated  nor 
reinforced.  We  know  its  status  pretty  well  from  day  to  day 
(the  deserters  are  frequent),  and  to-day  is  the  first  time  we 
have  had  any  intimation  of  a  movement  looking  towards 
evacuation,  and  to-day  we  receive  intelligence  which  we  think 
reliable  of  the  evacuation  of  Corinth.  Our  scouts  are  always 
on  the  alert. 

Of  one  thing  be  assured,  that,  if  I  ever  get  near  that  rebel 
fleet  again,  I  shall  destroy  it,  unless  they  anticipate  me  them 
selves.  I  am  highly  gratified,  greatly,  greatly  pleased,  with 
what  you  say  of  the  good  opinion  of  my  neighbors ;  and  I  am 
very  much  pleased  with  your  account  of  your  interview  with 
James  Lawrence.  Nothing  could  be  more  pleasant  than  such 
things  ;  but  you  know  I  do  not  suffer  myself  to  be  elated  with 
these  kind  and  over-kind  opinions,  —  in  themselves  so  evanes 
cent  and  liable  to  change.  A  reverse  to-morrow  would  alter 
all  this  mouth -honor  —  breath!  Equam  mentem  servare, 
not  only  in  adversity  but  in  prosperity.  I  am  sure  that  I 
have  a  trial  of  my  philosophy  now,  for  my  situation  is  a  dis 
agreeable  one.1 

June  2d.  The  confirmation  of  the  evacuation  of  Corinth 
1  Refers  to  his  anomalous  status  in  command. 


236  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

encourages  the  hope  that  we  may  be  able  to  move  soon.  The 
great  fall  of  the  river,  siriee  my  arrival,  has  laid  open  a  new 
road  for  the  land  attack;  and  I  hope  now  that  General 
Quinby  will  be  here  soon  with  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to 
authorize  the  attack  on  Fort  Pillow. 

You  shall  have  my  plans  from  time  to  time  as  they  are 
developed.  The  poor  refugees  disturb  my  happiness  very 
much.  They  are  as  desolate  and  unhappy  as  exile  and 
poverty  can  make  them.  I  have  sent  a  steamer  up  the  river 
for  their  special  relief.  There  are  women  and  children  among 
them,  and  to  see  the  latter  unhappy  takes  away  the  beauty  of 
life. 

A  man  was  killed  in  the  mortar-fleet  this  morning  in  a 
curious  way.  He  had  a  cylinder  of  loose  powder  over  his 
shoulder  and  a  lighted  cigar  in  his  mouth.  His  head  was 
blown  off.  These  mortar-men  are  said  to  be  very  careless. 

June  3d.  We  are  less  in  want  of  the  excitement  of  the 
mail  to-day  than  usual.  There  has  been  a  little  skirmish 
between  two  scouting  parties,  in  which  a  rebel  officer  was 
killed ;  and  further,  there  have  been  some  movements  during 
the  night,  and  during  the  two  previous  days,  indicating  an 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  rebels  to  evacuate.  It  was  a 
maxim  of  Napoleon  that  a  bridge  of  gold  should  be  made  for 
a  flying  enemy,  but  if  General  Quinby  were  here  we  would 
try  to  anticipate  their  movements. 

June  5th.  Colonel  Fitch  discovered  several  days  ago  a 
weak  and  assailable  point  by  which  he  proposed  to  attack  the 
enemy's  works  by  land,  while  I  encountered  the  batteries  in 
front.  It  was  agreed  between  us  that  this  should  come  off 
yesterday  morning ;  but  a  foolish  movement  of  Colonel  Ellet 
prevented  it  in  a  way  that  could  not  have  been  foreseen. 

The  movement  was  then  to  have  been  made  this  morning, 
as  soon  after  daylight  as  possible.  But  the  rebels  retreated 
yesterday  and  last  night,  after,  as  usual,  destroying  every 
thing.  They  evidently  think  that  suicide  is  victory.  These 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  237 

works  are  very  extensive  and  very  strong.  It  must  have  cost 
the  poor  devils  some  pangs  of  mortification  to  abandon  them 
without  a  struggle. 

I  am  now  lying  under  the  batteries  of  Fort  Pillow,  waiting 
for  Colonel  Fitch  to  return  from  some  examinations  he  is 
making.  As  soon  as  he  comes  back  we  will  make  our  pre 
parations  for  going  down  the  river.  I  do  not  believe  that 
there  is  any  force  at  Randolph.  If  not,  there  is  probably  no 
interruption  between  here  and  Memphis,  except,  perhaps,  the 
enemy's  gunboats,  and  they  would  detain  us  but  a  short  time. 
I  am  too  busy  to  write  a  long  note. 

Davis  got  under  way  with  the  flotilla,  from  his 
anchorage  under  the  abandoned  batteries  of  Fort  Pil 
low,  at  noon  on  the  5th  of  June,  leaving  one  gun 
boat,  the  Pittsburg,  to  cooperate  with  a  detachment  of 
Colonel  Fitch's  command  in  holding  possession  of  Fort 
Pillow  and  securing  public  property  there,  and  another, 
the  Mound  City,  to  convoy  the  transports  conveying 
the  troops  when  they  should  be  ready  to  move.  On  the 
way  down,  the  squadron  came  suddenly,  at  a  bend  of 
the  river,  upon  the  Confederate  transport  steamer 
Sovereign,  which  was  captured  and  proved  a  valuable 
prize.  The  gunboats  anchored,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening,  at  the  lower  end  of  Island  No.  45,  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  above  the  city  of  Memphis.  The  mortar- 
boats,  tugs,  ordnance,  commissary,  and  other  vessels  of 
the  fleet  moored  to  the  bank  of  Island  No.  44  for  the 
night. 

At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  tho  enemy's 
fleet  of  rams  and  gunboats,  now  numbering  eight  ves 
sels,  was  discovered  lying  at  the  levee  at  the  city. 
They  cast  off  their  lines,  and  dropped  below  Railroad 


238  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Point,  and  then,  returning,  ranged  themselves  in  front 
of  the  city.  At  twenty  minutes  past  four  the  Union 
flotilla,  consisting  of  the  five  gunboats,  —  flagship 
Benton,  Captain  S.  L.  Phelps ;  Louisville,  Captain  B. 
M.  Dove ;  Carondelet,  Captain  Henry  Walke ;  Cairo, 
Captain  N.  C.  Bryant;  and  St.  Louis,  Captain  Wilson 
McGunnegle,  —  got  under  way  by  signal  and  dropped 
down  the  river.  The  Confederate  squadron,  placing 
itself  between  Davis  and  the  city,  opened  fire,  with  the 
intention  of  exposing  the  city  to  injury  from  the  Federal 
shot ;  but  the  fire  was  returned  with  due  care  in  this 
regard.  While  the  squadrons  were  approaching  each 
other  in  this  manner,  two  vessels  of  the  ram  fleet,  the 
Monarch  and  Queen  of  the  West,  ran  rapidly  to  the 
front  and  steamed  into  the  enemy's  line.  Several  con 
flicts  had  taken  place  between  the  rams  on  both  sides 
before  the  slower-moving  squadron  of  gunboats,  led  by 
the  Benton,  could  come  into  close  action ;  in  the  mean 
time,  however,  the  firing  was  continuous  and  well 
directed. 

The  General  Beauregard  and  Little  Rebel  (Confed 
erate)  were  struck  by  shell  in  the  boilers  and  blown 
up.  The  ram  Queen  of  the  West,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Ellet  in  person,  struck  the  Confederate  Gen 
eral  Lovell  and  sunk  her,  but  sustained  serious  dam 
age  herself.  Up  to  this  time  the  Confederate  vessels 
had  maintained  their  position  and  used  their  guns  with 
great  spirit,  but  these  disasters  induced  the  remaining 
vessels  to  seek  safety  by  a  precipitate  retreat,  relying 
upon  their  superiority  of  speed;  a  running  fight  en 
sued,  carrying  both  squadrons  ten  miles  downstream, 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  239 

and  lasting  more  rthan  an  hour.  It  resulted  in  the 
capture  or  destruction  of  four  out  of  the  five  of  the 
remaining  vessels  of  the  enemy  ;  only  one,  the  Van 
Dorn,  escaping.  The  fate  of  the  eight  vessels  of  the 
Confederates  was  as  follows  :  The  General  Lovell,  sunk 
in  the  beginning  of  the  action,  went  down  in  deep 
water,  carrying  many  of  her  crew  with  her.  Some 
escaped  by  swimming,  and,  in  the  heat  of  the  action, 
the  Benton  lowered  her  boats  to  rescue  those  in  the 
water.  The  General  JBeauregard,  blown  up  in  her 
boilers  and  injured  otherwise  by  shot,  sank  near  the 
shore.  The  Little  Rebel,  injured  by  shot,  made  for  the 
Arkansas  shore,  and  was  abandoned  by  her  crew.  The 
Jeff  Thompson,  set  on  fire  by  shells,  was  run  on  shore 
and  abandoned.  She  burnt  to  the  water's  edge,  and 
blew  up  in  her  magazine.  The  General  Price,  rammed 
and  injured  by  shot,  was  also  run  on  the  Arkansas  shore 
and  abandoned.  The  Sumter,  somewhat  cut  up,  and 
the  General  Bragg,  shattered  in  her  upper  works  and 
hull,  were  captured.  The  Van  Dorn  escaped.1 

Davis  estimated  that  the  Sumter,  General  Bragg, 
and  Little  Rebel  might  be  repaired.  Not  even  an 
approximate  statement  could  be  made  of  the  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy,  which  must  have  been  very 
serious.  The  General  Lovell,  going  down  in  deep 
water,  carried  part  of  her  crew  with  her  ;  and  the  Gen 
eral  Beauregard,  blown  up  with  steam,  had  many  of 
her  crew  frightfully  scalded.  The  casualties  on  the 
Federal  side  were  insignificant.  The  mortar-boats  took 
no  part  in  the  action,  but  their  commander,  Captain 

1  See  the  official  report  of  the  action. 


240  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Maynadier,  accompanied  the  squadron  in  a  tug,  took 
possession  of  the  General  JBeauregard,  and  made  her 
crew  prisoners. 

The  result  of  this  action  was  the  annihilation  of  the 
Confederate  naval  power  on  the  Mississippi.  It  never 
appeared  again  as  an  organized  force,  and  Davis' s  flo 
tilla  was  now  free  to  navigate  the  river  from  Cairo  to 
Vicksburg.  After  the  battle  the  squadron  returned  to 
Memphis,  and  the  following  correspondence  took  place. 
Davis's  first  letter  is  to  the  point,  and  is  very  character 
istic.  The  mayor's  somewhat  testy  response  is  softened 
in  the  tone  of  the  next  letter  by  a  recognition  of  the 
inevitable,  and  perhaps  by  a  sense  of  relief  in  turning 
over  to  other  hands  the  government  of  a  turbulent 

city :  — 

UNITED  STATES  FLAG  STEAMER  BENTON, 

OFF  MEMPHIS,  June  6,  1862. 

SIR,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  request  that  you  will  surrender 
the  city  of  Memphis  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent. 
I  am,  Mr.  Mayor,  with  high  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

C.  H.  DAVIS, 

Flag  Officer  commanding,  etc. 
His  Honor  the  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Memphis,  Tenn. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  MEMPHIS,  June  6,  1862. 

SIR,  —  Your  note  of  this  day  is  received,  and  contents 
noted.  In  reply  I  have  only  to  say  that  the  civil  authorities 
have  no  resources  of  defense,  and  by  the  force  of  circum 
stances  the  city  is  in  your  power. 

Respectfully, 

JOHN  PARK,  Mayor. 
C.  H.  DAVIS,  Flag  Officer  commanding,  etc. 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  241 

UNITED  STATES  FLAG  STEAMER  BENTON, 

OFF  MEMPHIS,  June  6,  1862. 

SIR, —  The  undersigned,  commanding  the  military  and 
naval  forces  of  the  United  States  in  front  of  Memphis,  have 
the  honor  to  say  to  the  mayor  of  the  city  that  Colonel  Fitch, 
commanding  the  Indiana  brigade,  will  take  military  possession 
of  Memphis  immediately. 

Colonel  Fitch  will  be  happy  to  receive  the  cooperation  of 
his  Honor  the  Mayor  and  the  city  authorities  in  maintaining 
peace  and  order ;  and  to  this  end  he  will  be  pleased  to  confer 
with  his  Honor  at  military  headquarters  at  three  o'clock  this 
afternoon. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  high  respect, 
your  most  obedient  servants, 

C.  H.  DAVIS, 
Flag  Officer,  commanding  afloat. 

G.  N.  FITCH, 

Colonel,  commanding  Indiana  brigade. 
His  Honor  the  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Memphis,  Tenn. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  MEMPHIS,  June  6, 1862. 
GENTLEMEN,  —  Your  communication   is  received,  and  I 
shall  be  happy  to  cooperate  with  the  colonel  commanding  in 
providing  measures  for  maintaining  peace  and  order  in  the 
city. 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  PARK,  Mayor. 
Flag  Officer  C.  H.  DAVIS  and  Colonel  G.  N.  FITCH. 

The  battle  had  been  witnessed  by  the  entire  popula 
tion  of  Memphis  assembled  on  the  levee,  and  expecting 
an  easy  victory  for  their  own  fleet.  The  Confederate 
accounts  of  the  battle  state  that  the  General  Lovell 
was  sunk  by  shot,  and  not  by  the  ram  Queen  of  the 
West.  The  transports  arrived  at  eleven  o'clock,  and 
Colonel  Fitch  immediately  took  military  possession  of 


242  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  city.  Davis  remained  in  front  of  Memphis  with  the 
flotilla  during  the  month  of  June,  and  the  narrative 
may  be  continued  by  quoting  again  from  his  letters  :  — 

FLAGSHIP  BENTON,  MEMPHIS,  June  6, 1862. 

My  early  rising  yesterday  morning,  the  fatigues  of  yester 
day,  the  limited  allowance  of  rest  last  night,  and  this  morn 
ing's  fight,  have  left  me  so  weary  that  I  can  only  congratu 
late  you  on  my  success  of  this  morning,  which  has  nearly 
annihilated  the  rebel  fleet,  and  removed  it  forever  as  a  subject 
of  anxiety.  You  will  have  the  most  excellent  and  ample 
description  of  the  fight  by  Mr.  Coffin,  of  the  "  Boston  Jour 
nal,"  who  was  happily  in  the  fleet  and  a  witness  of  the  whole 
affair. 

Thank  God  for  this  great  success.  If  the  gunboats  had 
fled  before  me,  as  their  speed  easily  enabled  them  to  do,  they 
would  still  have  been  a  thorn  in  our  side.  Now  they  can  give 
us  no  further  trouble ;  and,  moreover,  the  blockading  force 
of  the  river  by  the  rebels  is  destroyed.  You  will  not  depend 
on  me  for  the  story,  but  keep  all  good  accounts  for  me  to  see. 

June  7th.  Fear  and  doubt  still  prevail  here,  and  the 
freedom  of  society  has  by  no  means  yet  taken  the  place  of 
the  arbitrary  military  control  which  our  occupation  sup 
pressed. 

June  8th.  Yours  of  the  28th  reached  me  on  the  6th,  the 
day  of  the  engagement.  .  .  .  You  express  a  great  deal  of 
anxiety  about  me,  and  very  naturally.  My  situation  was,  I 
may  now  say,  a  very  unpleasant  one.  I  felt  it  fully.  To 
attack  the  batteries  and  rebel  fleet  with  my  own  insignificant 
force  would  have  been  an  extreme  folly,  a  risk  which  nothing 
could  have  justified.  For  my  first  and  special  duty  was  to 
retain  command  of  the  river.  This  was  the  charge  I  had 
to  keep,  my  particular  trust.  Losing  that  command,  I  ex 
posed  the  long  extent  of  country  bordering  on  the  Missis 
sippi  to  St.  Louis,  bordering  on  the  Ohio,  the  Tennessee, 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  243 

the  Cumberland,  and  all  their  tributaries.  I  exposed  the 
rear  of  General  Halleck's  army  at  Corinth  ;  and,  finally,  I 
renewed  the  alarms  of  war  throughout  the  West  and  North 
west,  losing  all  the  hard-won  advantages  of  Foote  and  Pope. 
I  was,  in  fact,  just  in  a  situation  to  carry  out  the  maxim 
that  "  Grab  is  a  good  dog,  but  Holdfast  is  a  better." 

Besides,  even  if  I  could  have  silenced  the  guns  on  the  long 
line  of  fortifications  at  Fort  Pillow,  I  had  no  means  of  taking 
possession  of  the  works  and  holding  them.  General  Quinby 
thought  his  force,  amounting  to  twenty-two  hundred  men, 
insufficient  for  the  purpose  ;  and  I  could  contribute  nothing, 
for  it  would  have  been  ridiculous  to  unman  the  ships  to  man 
the  forts. 

Though  all  this  was  manifest,  the  public  was  getting  rest 
less  and  dissatisfied  with  our  apparent  inactivity ;  and  I  ex 
perienced  what  it  is  to  be  goaded  by  public  opinion  against 
my  judgment.  Patience,  that  sovereign  virtue,  — 

"  When  he  has  done  most,  yet  will  I 
Add  an  honor,  a  great  patience," 

by  preeminence  the  great  virtue  of  the  military  leader,  —  was 
the  quality  I  was  called  upon  to  display.  It  would  have  been 
a  great  advantage  under  such  circumstances  to  have  the  sup 
port  of  a  reputation  previously  acquired.  But  it  is  all  over 
now,  though  it  was  a  very  uncomfortable  time  while  it  lasted. 
You  must  not  forget  that  I  like  to  hear  what  people  say 
about  the  flotilla  and  myself  and  the  fight  that  is  agreeable, 
—  nothing  disagreeable.  I  do  know  of  no  greater  folly  that 
men  commit  habitually  than  that  of  making  themselves  mis 
erable  by  reading  other  people's  abuse  or  fault-finding  of 
them.  They  ought  to  follow  Charlotte  Bronte's  wise  rule  ; 
my  vanity  is  lively  enough,  but  too  wise,  sensitive,  self-indul 
gent,  and  sympathetic  for  that,  — "  Bring  me  no  more  re 
ports,"  except  pleasant  ones.  Praise  is  delicious  coming  from 
the  right  source.  Laudatus  a  viro  laudato,  —  that  is  good. 


244  CHAKLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

June  10th.  Last  Friday  morning,  when  the  action  com 
menced,  there  were  three  little  tugs  lying  in  the  fleet,  which 
hastened  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  shot,  any  one  of  which 
would  have  sunk  them.  For  safety  these  little  things  clung 
together,  their  sides  touching  each  other,  and  paddled  off  as 
rapidly  as  possible.  Compared  with  the  gunboats  .they  are 
like  pigmies,  and,  as  they  retired  from  the  scene  of  danger, 
they  looked  like  little  children  going  off  hand  in  hand.  The 
sight  was  really  touching,  and  this  very  simile  occurred  to  me 
at  the  time. 

You  ask  what  you  shall  send  me.  There  is  nothing  I  am 
so  much  in  want  of  as  a  glass  of  wine.  I  am  overrun  with 
visitors,  and  sometimes  a  person  comes  to  whom  I  wish  to 
be  hospitable.  It  is  the  custom  among  some  civilized  nations 
on  such  occasions  to  offer  a  glass  of  wine  to  a  friend  or  vis 
itor.  I  have  no  wine,  nothing  but  water,  and  Mississippi 
water  at  that,  —  more  dirty  than  that  which  runs  down  the 
gutter  of  Beacon  Street  in  a  summer  shower.  Send  me  a 
dozen  of  pale  sherry. 

June  12th.  The  •"Appeal"  says  the  rebel  rams  "  can  hold 
the  Mississippi  against  Foote  and  Farragut." 

The  above  from  the  "  Memphis  Appeal "  is  one  of  a  thou 
sand  similar  examples  of  self-deception.  It  is  an  interesting 
fact  that  may  escape  notice  that  the  rebel  fleet  originated 
here,  and  exhausted  all  its  glories  and  boasts,  its  pride  and 
its  vauntings,  its  triumphs  and  ostentatious  displays,  here ; 
and  here,  too,  it  ate  its  leek,  and  "  out  of  doubt,  and  out  of 
questions,  too,  and  ambiguities."  Its  defeat  was  witnessed 
by  its  friends,  its  owners  [it  was  a  joint-stock  company],  and 
its  enemies,  too.  "  Earl  Percy  sees  my  fall !  " 

June  13th.  Yesterday  our  hospital  boat,  just  fitted  out  at 
St.  Louis,  came  down  the  river  and  anchored  by  our  side. 
I  wish  you  could  see  her.  You  would  be  most  agreeably 
struck  with  her  neatness,  airiness,  and  comfortable  accommo 
dations.  She  is  an  honor  to  her  projectors  and  to  the  govern- 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  245 

ment.  She  has  nurses,  a  laundress,  and  other  things  "  ac 
cording."  Strange  to  say,  her  captain  is  an  old  shipmate 
and  messmate  of  mine  in  the  frigate  United  States.  Thirty- 
nine  years  ago  nearly,  we  went  on  board  ship  together ;  and 
thirty-five  years  since  we  parted  in  New  York,  to  meet  only 
once  again,  and  that  was  soon  after,  in  1828,  till  we  came 
together  yesterday.  I  recalled  his  features  and  he  mine. 
He  has  not  a  gray  hair  in  his  head  or  his  beard.  He  con 
trasted,  with  high  satisfaction,  his  brown  rough  hair  and  whis 
kers  with  my  bald  head  and  white  beard,  little  thinking  that 
it  was  in  a  measure  on  account  of  them  that  he  was  then 
begging  me  to  improve  his  own  situation  and  get  a  place  for 
his  son. 

June  19th.  "We  have  a  melancholy  day  to-day.  A  gun 
boat  returned  this  morning  from  the  expedition  up  White 
River,  bringing  an  account  of  an  engagement  with  two  forts 
there  by  our  vessels  and  the  troops  under  Colonel  Fitch,  in 
which  the  former  were  captured.  It  was  a  gallant  little 
affair.  The  gunboats  silenced  the  first  fort,  and  the  troops 
carried  the  second  by  storm.  But  the  victory  was  dearly 
purchased.  An  accidental  shot  from  the  enemy's  second 
battery  penetrated  the  steam-drum  of  the  gunboat  Mound 
City>  and  scalded  the  greater  part  of  the  crew,  after  having 
killed  four  men  outright.  The  complement  of  the  Mound 
City  is  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  men  and  officers.  Of 
these,  eighty-two  are  already  buried  ;  forty-three  were  drowned 
or  killed  by  the  savage  enemy  while  in  the  water ;  twenty-five 
are  badly  wounded  (scalded),  in  which  number  is  included 
Captain  Kilty.  The  wounded  promise  to  do  well,  and  twenty- 
five  only  of  the  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  —  three  officers 
and  twenty-two  men  —  escaped  without  injury.  This  scene 
of  horror  was  rendered  more  frightful  by  the  enemy's  shooting 
our  wounded  and  scalded  men  in  the  water,  and  by  firing 
into  the  boats  of  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  which 
came  to  the  assistance  of  the  poor,  helpless,  drowning,  and 


246  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

scalded  victims.  Contrast  this  with  our  humanity  on  the  6th, 
when  our  boats  and  tugs  were  busily  employed  in  rescuing 
the  disabled  enemy  in  and  out  of  the  water. 

This  barbarous  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  will  lead 
to  terrible  retaliation.  The  men  of  the  squadron  are  now 
very  much  excited,  and  vow  vengeance. 

Some  touching  incidents  occurred  after  the  action.  After 
the  first  agonies  and  distress  of  the  calamity  were  over,  most 
of  the  patients  died  quietly  and  without  pain.  They,  many 
of  them,  disposed  of  purses  and  small  effects  ;  some  sent  home 
their  swords,  watches,  etc. ;  several  said  they  were  satisfied 
to  die,  when  they  were  told  that  the  forts  were  ours.  Lastly, 
some  few  officers  ordered  their  bodies  to  be  sent  home.  You 
will  naturally  be  anxious  lest  a  similar  accident  should  happen 
to  the  Benton.  She,  however,  is  better  protected  than  the 
other  boats,  and  her  machinery  is  underneath  the  deck  and 
mostly  under  water.  It  is  told  me  that  the  Mound  City  had 
one  hundred  and  sixty  pounds  pressure  on  at  the  time  of  the 
explosion.  The  explosion  of  the  General  Beauregard  in  the 
action  of  the  6th  —  I  passed  within  a  hundred  feet  of  her 
when  the  steam  was  pouring  out  —  gave  me  an  idea  of  the 
horror  of  such  an  accident.  So  also  did  the  explosion  of  the 
Van  Dorn  in  the  action  at  Fort  Pillow,  though  I  was  very 
much  farther  from  her  at  the  time. 

June  20th.  I  find  to  my  comfort  that  I  have  forty-one 
of  the  poor  fellows,  who  were  scalded  with  steam  on  board 
the  Mound  City,  in  the  hospital  boat,  instead  of  twenty-five 
as  I  wrote  you  yesterday.  I  have  been  to  see  them  this  morn 
ing,  and  find  that  most  of  them  will  recover.  General  Wal 
lace,  who  dined  with  me  yesterday,  and  is  a  very  agreeable 
person,  sent  two  surgeons  from  his  division,  —  Dr.  Jessup 
and  Dr.  McClellan,  —  and  the  number  of  nurses  has  been  in 
creased.  Sister  Angela,  Superior  of  the  Sisters  of  the  Holy 
Cross,  offered  the  services  of  the  Sisters  when  needed,  while 
the  hospital  boat  was  fitting  out  at  St.  Louis,  and  I  have 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  247 

written  to  Captain  Pennock  to  send  for  them.  I  went  on 
board  last  night,  and  saw  some  of  the  bad  cases  dressed.  It 
was  a  very  painful  sight,  particularly  so  because  the  faces 
are  so  terribly  disfigured,  —  red,  swollen,  blistered,  and  dis 
torted.  .  .  .  But  comfort  yourself  with  the  idea  that  they 
are  well  cared  for. 

June  22d.  General  Lew  Wallace  came  on  board  yester 
day  afternoon  by  appointment,  and  we  took  a  run  down  the 
river  in  one  of  the  tugs  to  look  at  the  buried,  or  mostly 
buried,  remains  of  the  Jeff  Thompson  and  Beauregard. 
The  former  is  the  vessel  that  was  blown  up  in  her  magazine. 
I  landed  on  the  river  bank,  which  is  strewed  near  the  water 
with  iron  braces  and  fastenings  and  with  charred  remains  of 
broken  timbers.  Some  trees  on  the  water's  edge  are  scorched 
by  the  conflagration.  The  smoke-stack  of  this  vessel  is  still 
standing  and  visible,  to  mark  the  spot  where  she  descended. 
The  Beauregard  is  irrevocably  gone,  but  a  good  deal  of  her 
still  shows  above  the  water.  From  her  we  went  to  the  hos 
pital  ship,  where,  at  first,  the  general  was  very  unwilling  to 
go.  I  had  given  up  the  thought  of  taking  him  there  when 
he  asked  me  to  do  so.  General  Lew  (as  he  is  called)  Wal 
lace  has  seen  a  great  deal  of  service.  He  was  distinguished 
on  the  bloody  field  of  Shiloh,  and  still  more  at  Fort  Donel- 
son,  where  he  won  his  present  rank.  He  had  seen  the  field 
of  battle  after  the  rapture  of  the  strife  had  subsided,  and  the 
earthquake  voice  of  victory  had  died  away.  He  describes  it 
as  a  most  painful,  dreadful  sight.  But  this  scene  of  suffering 
was  more  oppressive,  he  said,  than  a  battlefield.  In  truth  it 
has  quite  unmanned  me.  The  patients  are  doing  well  this 
morning  with  one  exception.  Kilty1  gets  along  very  well, 
and  the  doctor,  who  we  thought  was  sinking  yesterday,  revived 
last  evening,  and  is  better  this  morning. 

i  Captain  Kilty  lost  his  arm,  and  was  promoted.  He  died  a  retired 
rear  admiral  in  1879.  He  was  Davis's  senior  in  age,  and  before  the  war 
had  been  his  senior  in  rank. 


248  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

June  23d.  Our  expedition  to  White  River  is  in  some 
measure  a  failure,  owing  to  the  low  stage  of  the  river.  The 
boats  have  returned  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  having  grounded 
several  times  and  run  the  risk  of  being  detained  all  summer. 

June  24th.  The  extreme  heat,  and  consequent  suffering 
and  danger  to  the  scalded  patients,  induced  me  to  send  the 
hospital  boat  to  Cairo,  with  the  expectation  that  some  would 
go  home,  some  would  be  put  into  the  Mound  City  Hospital, 
and  some  go  to  St.  Louis.  The  weather  has  been  very  un 
favorable  to  the  poor  fellows  :  some  have  already  sunk  under 
it ;  many  more,  I  fear,  will  be  overcome.  It  is  very  touching 
to  witness  the  cool  and  determined  manner  in  which  some  of 
these  brave  men  are  struggling  with  death.  They  are  deter 
mined  to  make  use  of  every  means  of  recovery,  and  keep 
themselves  very  quiet.  One  poor  fellow,  one  of  the  worst 
scalded,  said  to  me  yesterday :  "  I  hope  you  will  keep  your 
health,  sir."  I  am  glad  she  has  gone  (the  hospital  boat), 
not  only  because  the  patients  will  be  better  off  and  in  a 
cooler  climate,  but  as  a  relief  to  myself.  I  was  losing  my 
appetite  and  spirits  by  the  distressing  sights,  and  still  more 
by  the  offensive  smell  of  the  hospital.  I  must  have  something 
to  sweeten  my  imagination. 

June  25th.  We  are  having  now  one  of  the  hot  terms, 
and  it  is  worse,  I  think,  than  Central  America.  There  the 
sea  breeze  and  the  land  breeze  alternated,  and  there  was 
almost  always  some  air  stirring,  except  in  the  early  morning. 
I  must  confess,  however,  that  I  have  always  endured  the  hot 
weather  very  well ;  and,  when  I  think  what  a  pleasant  station 
this  would  be  in  winter,  I  hope  I  shall  be  able  to  fight 
through  the  summer  and  retain  my  flag,  which,  by  the  way, 
I  am  so  lucky  in  getting.  How  many  above  me  are  without 
one! 

I  had  a  note  from  Foote  this  morning,  telling  me  he  has 
a  leave  of  absence  for  three  months,  and  grieving  over  the 
loss  of  his  command.  I  am  truly  sorry  for  him.  He  labored 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  249 

wonderfully  hard  to  build  up  this  flotilla,  and  he  regards  it 
as  his  own  affair,  and  justly,  too.  I  am  very  much  grieved 
for  him,  and  I  shall  write  him  word  he  can  have  the  command 
again  as  soon  as  he  wishes  for  it. 

June  28th.  Since  finishing  the  inclosed  letter  I  have  re 
ceived  a  message  from  Farragut,  asking  me  to  come  down 
and  help  him  take  Vicksburg.  I  am  getting  ready  to  go 
now,  and  as  I  move,  like  an  old  Highland  chief,  with  my  tail 
on,  my  preparations  are  few  and  many,  like  the  old  woman's 
troubles.  I  am  afraid  our  regular  communications  will  be 
interrupted  for  some  time,  and  think  it  not  impossible  you 
may  not  hear  from  me  for  several  days.  But  I  shall  come 
right  back  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  will  permit. 

This  I  mean  to  make  my  headquarters,  if  left  to  myself. 
There  is  a  wide  field  of  work  and  usefulness  in  the  tribu 
taries,  and  I  mean  to  make  this  my  depot  of  stores,  work 
shops,  etc. 

A  word  remains  to  be  said,  before  this  chapter  closes, 
in  relation  to  Davis's  status  during  the  first  month  of 
his  command  on  the  river ;  and  it  is  a  difficult  word  to 
write.  In  justice  to  Davis  himself,  however,  it  must 
be  said. 

Davis  had  come  into  the  flotilla,  for  temporary  duty, 
at  the  request  of  Foote  himself,  and  he  had  expected  to 
be  second  in  command  with  Foote,  as  he  had  been  sec 
ond  in  command  with  Du  Pont.  On  April  29th  Foote 
wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  "  Your  unofficial 
note  of  tbe  23d,  referring  to  Captain  Davis  being 
ordered  to  report  to  me,  but  on  no  account  to  relieve 
me  in  command,  has  been  received ; "  but  on  May  9th, 
when  Davis  arrived  on  board  the  Benton,  Foote  was 
sick  in  bed,  and  totally  incapacitated  for  duty.  He 
left  the  same  day  for  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  his  first  and 


250  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

only  order  to  Davis  was,  "  You  will  be  pleased,  during 
my  absence,  to  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  flag 
officer ;  and  as  such,  and  being  hereby  invested  with 
flag  officer's  authority,  all  officers  and  others  attached 
to  and  connected  with  this  flotilla  will  obey  your  orders 
and  act  under  your  instructions." 

That  is,  Davis  did  relieve  Foote  fully  and  completely, 
and  Foote  never,  from  the  day  he  left  the  Benton  at 
Fort  Pillow,  had  any  control  over,  or  official  relation  to 
or  with,  the  flotilla  in  any  way  whatever,  either  remote 
or  direct ;  but  his  flag  still  flew  on  board  the  Benton, 
and  the  arrangement  was  such  as  to  put  Davis  in  a 
thoroughly  equivocal  position,  in  which  any  credit 
which  might  accrue  to  the  flotilla  might  pass  to  the 
officer  still  constructively  in  command,  though  actually 
and  permanently  separated  from  the  field  of  action  by 
hundreds  of  miles,  and  too  ill  in  body  to  perform  any 
duty  at  all;  and  the  responsibility  for  disaster  and 
failure,  should  such  occur,  would  necessarily  rest  and 
remain  with  the  officer  "  invested  with  flag  officer's 
authority ; "  and,  in  this  ambiguous  relation  toward 
the  constructive  commander-in-chief,  Davis  fought  two 
principal  battles  which  annihilated  the  enemy's  naval 
power  on  the  Mississippi,  and  Foote's  biographer  was 
able  and  willing  complacently  to  declare,  with  barely 
a  reference  to  Davis  himself,  that  "  Fort  Pillow 
was  actually  captured  while  he  [Foote]  was  still  in 
command" 

The  presence  of  Foote's  flag  on  board  the  Benton 
on  the  Mississippi  Eiver,  from  May  9th  to  June  23d, 
while  he  himself  was  sick  in  bed  in  Cleveland,  Ohio, 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  251 

makes  the  question  a  peculiar  one  from  a  naval  point 
of  view.  The  flag  of  an  admiral  or  flag  officer  has 
but  one  signification  :  it  means  the  actual  presence 
on  board  from  day  to  day  of  the  officer  whose  rank  it 
designates ;  and  it  flies  only  from  the  ship  in  which 
that  officer  is  actually  embarked.  If  he  is  separated 
from  the  ship,  the  flag  is  hauled  down.  There  is  but- 
one  exception  to  this  rule  in  naval  law  and  usage,  and 
that  is  in  case  the  admiral  himself  is  killed  in  battle, 
when  his  flag  continues  to  fly  until  the  engagement  is 
over,  and  is  then  hauled  down  to  half-mast  as  long  as 
his  body  remains  on  board.  It  is  a  scandalous  thing 
for  a  flag  officer  to  keep  his  flag  flying  on  board  of 
one  ship,  in  battle,  while  he  himself  is  actually  on 
board  of  another.  This  was  one  of  the  gravest  of 
the  charges  under  which  the  Italian  admiral,  Persano, 
was  tried  for  his  life,  after  the  battle  of  Lissa;  and  the 
instance  of  Perry's  shifting  his  flag  from  one  ship  to 
another  during  the  battle  on  Lake  Erie  is  familiar  to 
every  schoolboy,  and  marks  and  emphasizes  the  invio 
lable  rule  that  the  flag  proclaims  the  bodily  presence 
of  the  commander-in-chief. 

It  must  be  said  that  Foote  fully  expected,  when  he 
left  the  Benton,  that  his  absence  would  be  only  tempo 
rary,  and  that  it  was  judged  inexpedient  to  haul  down 
the  flag  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy.  It  must  also  be 
said  that  Davis  himself  acquiesced  in  the  arrangement ; 
but  neither  of  these  facts  makes  the  act  itself  less  one 
of  impropriety  and  injustice  ;  and  during  the  whole  of 
this  period  the  department,  corresponding  with  Davis, 
addressed  him,  sometimes  as  flag  officer  and  sometimes 


252  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

as  captain  commanding  pro  tern.,  and  the  flag  was  not 
finally  granted  to  him  until  after  the  battle  of  Memphis, 
and  then  not  because  it  was  his  already  by  right,  but 
because  Foote,  recognizing  the  inevitable,  voluntarily 
relinquished  the  nominal  command,  and  asked  for  a 
leave  of  absence.  Davis  had  acquiesced  in  the  arrange 
ment,  but  he  did  so  because  he  really  did  not  care  for 
such  things.  He  was  totally  and  absolutely  free  from 
the  mean  self-seeking  that  is  the  motive  of  so  many  in 
time  of  war.  His  acquiescence  was  an  act  of  gen 
erosity  and  self-abnegation  which  those  who  proposed  it 
were  quite  incapable  of  either  appreciating  or  under 
standing,  though  they  were  willing  enough  to  profit  by 
it.  He  was  not  in  the  war  for  the  personal  advantage 
which  the  war  might  bring  to  himself.  He  had  a 
proper  professional  pride  and  a  decent  self-respect,  but 
he  knew  how  to  govern  his  mind,  and  how  to  put  the 
right  value  on  all  things ;  "  and  after  all,"  he  writes, 
"  however  my  mind  may  be  disturbed  by  a  sense  of  in 
justice,  by  disappointment,  by  professional  slights  and 
wrongs,  and  by  private  regrets,  nothing  clouds  my  dis 
tinct  perception  of  the  real  insignificance  of  these 
things  in  the  general  scheme  of  Providence,  and  my 
humble  and  most  fearful  but  trustful  dependence  upon 
God,  in  whose  great  hands  I  stand  or  fall." 

Admiral  Porter,  in  commenting  on  the  battle  of 
Memphis  says :  "  For  the  second  time,  Kear  Admiral 
Davis  won  a  strictly  naval  victory,  and  won  it  without 
a  single  mistake.  .  .  .  Take  the  battle  together  with 
its  results,  it  was  one  of  the  handsomest  achievements 
of  the  war,  but  it  did  not  receive  that  general  notice 


FORT  PILLOW  AND  MEMPHIS  253 

which  it  deserved.  If  Mr.  Secretary  Welles,  who  was 
liberal  with  his  eulogistic  letters  to  those  whom  he 
approved  of,  ever  congratulated  Kear  Admiral  Davis 
and  his  officers  for  their  brilliant  success,  it  nowhere 
appears  in  the  Secretary's  report  for  1862.  But  history 
will  eventually  give  due  credit  to  all  the  brave  men 
who  served  their  country  faithfully  in  the  time  of  her 
greatest  need.  The  prejudices  and  jealousies  of  the 
times  will  have  passed  away,  and  the  truthful  historian, 
who  takes  time  to  examine  the  records  carefully,  will 
give  to  each  his  proper  place,  and  render  justice  to 
those  who  have  not  yet  received  it." 


CHAPTER  XII 

VICKSBURG   AND   THE   RAM   ARKANSAS 

FOR  the  causes  which  led  to  Flag  Officer  Farragut's 
advance  up  the  Mississippi  Kiver  from  New  Orleans  to 
Vicksburg,  in  June,  1862,  and  for  Farragut's  own  part 
in  the  futile  attempt  to  reduce  the  formidable  batteries 
at  that  place,  the  reader  may  consult  Captain  Mahan's 
"  Life  of  Admiral  Farragut  "  (chapter  viii.).  Farragut 
had  ascended  the  river  against  his  own  judgment,  and 
yielding  only  to  peremptory  orders  from  the  Navy  De 
partment  and  the  mandate  of  the  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  and  navy  himself.  In  this  premature 
move  upon  Vicksburg,  the  squadrons  of  both  Farragut 
and  Davis  were  far  in  advance  of  their  legitimate  lines 
of  operation ;  for  the  movement  of  the  naval  forces 
upon  the  inland  waters  was,  or  should  have  been,  de 
pendent  upon,  and  in  support  of,  the  movements  of 
armies.  An  attempt  to  reduce  a  position  like  Vicksburg 
with  the  navy  alone,  and  without  the  support  and 
cooperation  of  a  sufficient  land  force,  was  simply  a 
waste  of  life,  sure  to  end  in  failure,  and  in  mortifica 
tion  to  those  principally  engaged.  Davis  himself  was 
within  the  limits  of  his  cruising  ground,  for  by  the  vic 
tory  at  Memphis  he  had  opened  the  upper  Mississippi 
to  free  navigation  as  far  as  Vicksburg ;  but  there  was 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  255 

no  real  military  reason  for  the  presence  of  either  squad 
ron  at  Vicksburg-  at  this  time,  and  for  the  upper  flotilla, 
as  Davis  himself  had  written,  there  was  a  large  field 
for  work  and  usefulness  in  the  tributaries.  Farragut's 
sole  anxiety  after  getting  above  Vicksburg  was  to  get 
back  again  without  losing  his  ships,  and  the  same 
anxiety  was  felt  by  the  authorities  in  Washington, 
which  had  insisted  upon  this  hazardous  and  useless 
move.  His  orders  to  return  to  New  Orleans,  which 
were  as  peremptory  as  those  to  ascend  the  river,  were 
received  after  he  had  run  the  batteries  from  above. 
General  Williams  was  forced  to  withdraw  with  the 
small  force  under  his  command  by  the  ravages  of  the 
epidemic  which  attacked  the  troops  and  the  flotilla; 
so  that  Davis  was  abandoned  in  his  precarious  situation 
above  the  batteries,  with  his  long  line  of  communica 
tions  seriously  threatened,  and  with  his  own  small  force 
seriously  reduced  by  the  loss  of  two  ships  which  had 
run  the  batteries  in  an  attempt  to  destroy  the  Ar 
kansas.  There  was  of  course  only  one  thing  left  for 
him  to  do,  namely,  to  withdraw  from  an  untenable 
position.  In  withdrawing  he  was  not  in  retreat,  but 
was  simply  falling  back  on  his  proper  base ;  yet  he 
seems  to  have  been  the  only  one  of  the  three  com 
manders  who  was  censured,  although  all  three  pursued 
exactly  the  same  course.  The  responsibility  for  the 
Arkansas  affair  was  laid  solely  at  his  door,  though  he 
planned  the  reconnoissance  up  the  Yazoo ;  and  it  was 
the  engagement  with  the  Carondelet,  one  of  Davis's 
own  ships,  which  had  so  crippled  the  Arkansas  that 
she  was  powerless  to  effect  any  injury  to  the  ships  as 


256  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

she  passed  through  the  combined  squadrons.  More 
over,  the  course  of  the  Arkansas  took  her  down  the 
river,  and  into  the  limits  of  Farragut's  station;  and, 
finally,  it  was  the  Essex,  of  Davis's  own  squadron, 
which  destroyed  her.  So  that  it  would  appear  that  the 
blame  for  the  escape  of  the  Arkansas  cannot  justly  be 
imputed  to  Davis,  especially  as  he  would  have  been 
operating  in  the  tributaries  and  would  probably  have 
destroyed  the  Arkansas,  if  he  had  not  been  engaged 
in  the  futile  attempt  on  Vicksburg,  of  which  he  was 
not  the  author.  The  Arkansas  had  been  built  in 
Memphis,  and  was  unfinished  at  the  time  of  the  evacu 
ation  of  Fort  Pillow,  but  had  been  towed  down  the 
Mississippi  and  into  the  Yazoo  Kiver  to  be  completed  ; 
and  Davis  had  received  reports  of  her,  and  was  pre 
pared,  in  a  measure,  for  her  appearance.  The  story  of 
Davis's  share  in  the  attempt  on  Vicksburg  may  be  told 
in  his  own  language  :  — 

FLAGSHIP  BENTON, 
MISSISSIPPI  RIVER,  June  29,  1862. 

We  are  now  below  Back  Island,  on  our  way  to  Vicksburg. 
I  have  six  of  the  mortar-boats  in  company,  and,  if  the  state  of 
things  is  correctly  described  to  me,  we  shall  have  the  city 
under  our  fire.  It  must  either  surrender  or  be  destroyed.  I 
was  in  hopes  that  Farragut  would  have  finished  this  business 
himself,  as  he  would  have  done,  but  that  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ellet,  the  brother  of  Ram  Ellet,  went  down  and  communi 
cated  with  him,  when  he  sent  up  a  message  to  me  to  ask  my 
assistance. 

He  says,  "  If  Commodore  Davis's  ironclad  gunboats  could 
be  present,  they  would  greatly  add  to  the  chances  of  success 
without  much  loss  of  life."  I  feel  quite  anxious  about  Mem- 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  257 

phis.  There  are  only  four  thousand  troops  there,  and  the 
enemy  is  in  the  vicinity.  I  leave  two  gunboats  at  Memphis, 
two  at  Fort  Pillow,  and  two  in  the  White  Kiver.  I  have 
with  me  only  four.  It  is  a  long  reach  of  river  from  Memphis 
to  Vicksburg,  —  four  hundred  miles.  It  will  take  this  boat 
nearly  a  week  to  go  back.  As  soon  as  Vicksburg  is  taken, 
I  shall  return  to  Memphis,  which  I  hope  to  make  my  head 
quarters,  and  then,  probably,  the  old  navy  yard  will  be 
resumed,  or  a  new  one  established. 

You  perceive,  by  my  appointment,  that  I  have  all  the 
tributaries  of  the  Mississippi  under  my  control ;  and  I  have 
written  to  Washington  to  propose  the  construction,  or  rather 
the  purchase  and  suitable  equipment,  of  some  steamboats  of 
light  draught  that  can  navigate  these  waters  during  the  dry 
season,  and  repel  the  guerrilla  bands,  keeping  the  communica 
tions  open. 

FLAGSHIP  BENTON, 
ISLAND  No.  76,  June  30, 1862. 

An  opportunity  unexpectedly  occurs  to  write  you  this 
morning  by  one  of  Ellet's  rams  which  is  bound  up  the  river. 

I  have  received  a  long  letter  from  Farragut,  in  which  he 
says  that  more  troops  are  required  to  hold  the  city  after  we 
have  silenced  the  batteries. 

General  Williams  is  cutting  a  ditch  across  the  point  where 
the  mortars  are  marked  on  the  sketch,  or  somewhat  above,  to 
change  the  course  of  the  river  and  pass  clear  of  the  city. 
Curious  piece  of  Yankee  enterprise. 

Above  Vicksburg,  July  2d.  Yesterday  was  a  day  of  most 
agreeable  excitement.  We  arrived  at  this  anchorage,  which 
is  just  above  the  position  of  the  mortar-boats,  but  in  the 
middle  of  the  river,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Several 
of  Farragut's  gunboats  were  stationed  up  the  river,  and  we 
passed  them  from  time  to  time,  before  reaching  the  main 
body  of  the  fleet. 

When  we  entered  upon  the  line  of  the  lower  fleet,  every 


258  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

vessel  cheered  us  as  we  came  abreast,  and  thus  we  steamed 
along  the  whole  line  until  we  had  passed  the  flagship  of  Com 
modore  Farragut.  To  each  pennant  we  gave  an  answering 
cheer,  but  to  the  flag  we  gave  the  usual  three  cheers  and  a 
reply ;  and  in  this  way  the  two  victorious  fleets,  crowned  with 
the  honors  of  Forts  Jackson  and  Philip,  New  Orleans,  Grand 
Gulf,  and  Vicksburg,  with  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  Co 
lumbus,  Island  No.  10,  Pillow,  and  Memphis,  came  together 
and  celebrated  their  union.  You  may  conceive  the  interest 
of  this  occasion,  and  its  importance,  historical  and  military. 
Certainly  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  witness  some  exciting 
scenes,  —  emotive,  to  employ  a  word  seldom  used.  To  the 
navy  officers,  especially  the  old  ones,  there  were  wanting 
many  sources  of  excitement  shared  by  others :  to  the  majority 
of  the  men  and  volunteer  officers,  everything  was  strange  and 
wonderful.  My  own  people  almost  lost  their  senses.  Cap 
tain  Phelps  and  myself  were  very  much  amused  at  their 
bewilderment,  at  the  first  sight  of  a  fleet  of  regular  men-of- 
war.  Our  own  gunboats  were  objects  of  great  curiosity,  also, 
to  the  men-of-war's  men ;  so  were  the  little  tugs.  When  I 
passed  through  the  fleets  in  the  Jessie  Benton  to  Flag  Officer 
Farragut 's  ship,  to  make  (being  the  junior)  the  first  call, 
with  the  red  flag  indicating  my  rank  and  presence,  the  higher 
decks  and  ports  of  every  vessel  were  crowded.  I  should  not 
have  thought  beforehand  that  so  striking  and  exciting  a  scene 
could  have  been  created  by  the  meeting  of  two  squadrons. 

I  parted  with  Commodore  Farragut  in  Port  Royal  on  his 
way  out  to  his  station  on  the  first  or  second  day  of  March 
last.  Little  did  I  think  then  that,  descending  the  Missis 
sippi,  I  should  meet  him  coming  up.  What  obstacles  then 
lay  between,  and  how  have  they  been  overcome !  You  may 
suppose  that  our  greetings  were  cordial  and  hearty,  —  given 
and  taken  with  both  hands,  not  one. 

And  I  was  touched  with  the  kindness  of  many  old  friends, 
who  congratulated  me  with  feeling  on  our  successes  and  on 


VICKSBURG  AND   THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  259 

my  flag.  My  ship  was  crowded  with  visitors.  My  old  friend 
Phillips  Lee,  Palmer  also,  and  other  old  acquaintances,  I  met. 
Now  that  we  have  got  here,  you  will  wish  to  know  what 
we  are  going  to  do.  There  is  one  thing  we  are  not  going  to 
do,  —  we  are  not  going  to  take  Vicksburg  without  a  larger 


VICKSBUKG. 

number  of  troops.  I  begin  to  bombard  above  immediately ; 
am  placing  the  mortars  now.  Porter  is  at  work  below.  But 
I  shall  reserve  this  for  the  next  letter.  I  am  just  expecting 
Commodore  Farragut  and  General  Williams  on  an  official 
visit. 

July  4th.  The  hope  at  one  time  danced  before  our  eyes  and 
hearts  that  we  should  celebrate  this  auspicious  morning  at 
New  Orleans ;  but,  though  disappointed  in  this,  we  accept  our 
junction  in  the  two  fleets  as  a  happy  omen.  To-day  we  carry 
an  unusual  number  of  flags,  and  all  fire  a  salute  at  twelve 
o'clock.  I  promised  in  my  last  letter  to  tell  you  something 
about  our  military  status.  You  will  get  from  the  sketch  I 
sent  you  an  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  bluffs  on  which  stands 
the  city  of  Vicksburg.  These  bluffs  are  covered  in  front 
with  batteries  of  heavy  guns,  terraced  one  above  the  other, 


260  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

and  the  capture  and  possession  of  them  are  impossible,  except 
with  a  military  force.  The  other  morning  Farragut  dashed 
by  them  at  daylight  with  a  portion  of  his  squadron,  and  is 
still  above  the  town.  His  list  of  casualties  was  small.  He 
can  go  back  at  night  with  little  loss.  We  require  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  perhaps  more,  to  hold  Vicksburg.  But 
there  is  a  method  of  turning  all  these  heavy  fortifications 
and  batteries,  and  of  chastising  the  insolent  and  corrupt  city 
of  Vicksburg,  that  seems  to  have  been  provided  by  Nature 
herself.  The  sketch  ought  to  be  altered  (to  make  it  correct) 
by  carrying  in  the  shore  line  above  the  mortar-boats  easterly 
in  a  curved  direction,  so  as  to  create  a  narrow  neck  between 
the  two  reaches  of  the  river  above  and  below  the  city.  It 
has  always  been  a  subject  of  apprehension  to  the  religious  and 
enlightened  inhabitants  of  that  hell  (as  gambling-houses  are 
termed  in  Paris)  lest  the  channel  of  the  river  should  of  its 
own  accord,  or  by  artificial  means,  take  its  way  across  the 
narrow  neck,  and  thus  annihilate  Vicksburg  by  converting 
the  site  of  the  town  into  the  bottom  of  a  shute,  instead  of  the 
bank  of  the  main  channel  bordering  on  deep  water.  (A 
shute,  in  Mississippi  Eiver  technology,  is  the  subsidiary  chan 
nel  on  one  side  of  an  island.)  It  has  been  proposed  to  do 
this  by  a  cut,  and  the  plan  has  been  submitted  to  the  legisla 
ture  of  the  State.  It  was,  of  course,  opposed  by  the  people 
of  Vicksburg,  who  for  all  purposes  of  trade  might  as  well 
have  their  town  removed  five  miles  back  from  the  bank  of 
the  river.  So  alarmed  were  they  about  it  that  they  have 
even  feared  their  friends  the  negroes  (who  were  going  to 
fight  their  battles  !)  would  cut  the  ditch  some  dark  night. 
Now  General  Williams,  the  military  commander  here,  has  so 
far  advanced  in  cutting  the  ditch  that  it  will  be  completed 
to-morrow  night.  There  are  nearly  one  thousand  negroes  now 
at  work.  It  is  not  a  propitious  moment  for  the  undertaking, 
because  the  river  is  falling.  It  is  the  rising  river,  the  swell 
and  flood  of  the  freshet,  that  force  open  these  new  channels, 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  261 

after  the  hard-pan  below  the  soil  has  been  removed  and  the 
way  opened  to  the  loose  sand  underlying  it.  But  though  the 
river  is  now  falling  at  this  place,  there  is  promise  of  a  speedy 
return  of  the  waters.  It  is  reported  that  the  June  rise  is 
great,  and  the  rains  heavy  on  the  upper  Missouri,  and  that  all 
the  upper  rivers  are  in  good  stage,  as  the  expression  is.  The 
swell  corresponding  to  this  rise  and  these  rains  will  soon  be 
here,  when  we  hope  for  the  best  results.  To  add  the  last 
word  on  this  subject,  the  line  of  survey  for  the  former  pro 
posed  cut  has  been  identified,  and  a  line  of  levels,  run  by 
General  Williams  across  the  neck,  showed  that  at  that  time 
(of  leveling)  the  water  on  this  side  was  three  and  a  half  feet 
higher  than  on  the  other. 

What  a  grand  result  it  would  be  to  leave  this  Hesperian 
dragon  ruminating  on  what  he  meant  to  do,  and  would  do  if 
he  could,  while  the  white  messengers  of  peace  and  commerce 
passed  beyond  the  reach  of  his  pestiferous  breath !  A  great 
and  bloodless  victory !  May  God,  who  has  been  so  good  to 
us,  grant  us  his  favor  in  this  undertaking. 

July  llth.  No  change  has  taken  place  in  the  state  of 
affairs  here  since  I  wrote  last,  except  that  the  canal  is  cut 
and  the  attempt  is  to  be  made  to  open  it  this  afternoon.  The 
river  has  fallen  continually,  with  slight  pauses,  since  our 
arrival,  but  it  is  hoped  that  by  putting  stern-wheel  steamers 
at  the  opening  on  this  side,  the  sides  and  bottom  may  be 
washed  in,  and  the  river  may  be  persuaded  to  enter  into  its 
new  channel.  It  is  a  rather  big  undertaking,  but  there  is  a 
good  deal  of  faith  somewhere.  It  is  again  said,  in  the  "  Mis 
souri  Republican  "  of  the  6th  inst.,  that  the  Missouri  River  is 
rising  from  its  source  to  the  mouth,  and  that  the  upper  end 
of  the  river  is  very  high.  One  of  my  oldest  and  most  ex 
perienced  pilots  says  that  there  will  be  a  "  big  river  "  (such 
is  the  phrase)  in  ten  days  or  a  fortnight.  Should  this  prove 
to  be  the  case,  we  shall  soon  know  what  the  Father  of  Waters 
has  to  say  to  this  attempt  to  stay  and  divert  his  course. 


262  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

July  14th.  Things  go  on  here  without  variation :  it  is 
just  as  stupid  as  it  was  above  Fort  Pillow,  except  the  society 
afforded  by  the  lower  squadron.  The  heat  exceeds,  I  think, 
anything  I  have  ever  encountered  in  the  course  of  my  ser 
vice.  But  it  is  not  worth  while  to  complain  of  what  cannot 
be  helped.  The  Bragg  l  has  got  down,  and  I  expect  to  find 
my  quarters  on  board  of  her  more  cool  and  quiet.  This  morn 
ing  I  am  going  to  send  a  gunboat  eighty  miles  up  the  Yazoo 
to  reconnoitre  and  prepare  the  way  for  an  expedition,  which 
will  go  up  in  considerable  force  if  necessary.  I  have  just 
been  sent  for,  for  consultation,  on  board  the  Hartford,  Farra- 
gut's  ship,  and  shall  put  this  in  an  envelope,  lest  there  should 
be  no  opportunity  to  write  further  before  the  boat  goes. 

July  16th.  Yesterday  was  a  day  of  excitement  and  fatigue, 
the  events  of  which  are  likely  to  make  a  figure  in  history.  I 
told  you  in  my  last  hurried  note  that  I  was  about  fitting  out 
an  expedition  for  the  Yazoo,  and  that  I  was  called  suddenly 
to  attend  a  conference  on  this  subject,  —  suddenly,  but  not 
unexpectedly,  for  we  had  held  this  affair  under  consideration 
for  some  days.  Various  examinations  of  the  Yazoo,  as  far 
as  eighty  miles  from  the  mouth,  had  informed  us  that  there 
was  a  raft  obstructing  the  passage  at  that  point,  with  a  bat 
tery  near  it  below,  and  the  new  ram  Arkansas  above,  a 
formidable  craft,  almost  as  efficient  in  design  as  the  Merri- 
mac  of  terrible  renown.  But  we  had  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Arkansas  was  unfinished  and  aground.  Enough  of 
uncertainty  prevailed,  however,  to  induce  General  Williams 
and  myself  to  agree  to  a  reconnoissance  in  some  force,  in 
order  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  force  to  be  sent  up  to  cap 
ture  the  fort  and  destroy  the  Arkansas. 

Such  was  our  information,  and  such  the  state  of  things, 

when  the  party  started  up  the  Yazoo  (the  mouth  of  which  is 

only  six  miles  from  our  present  anchorage),  at  four  o'clock 

yesterday  morning.   This  party  consisted  of  the  iron  gunboat, 

1  One  of  the  vessels  captured  at  Memphis  and  taken  into  service. 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  263 

the  Carondelet,  a  wooden  gunboat,  the  Tyler,  and  one  of 
Colonel  Ellet's  rams.  On  board  the  two  last  were  distributed 
forty  sharp-shooters  from  General  Williams's  command. 

They  had  only  proceeded  a  few  miles  up  the  river  when 
they  met  this  devil,  the  Arkansas,  coming  down,  —  an  ugly 
customer,  well  protected,  almost  invulnerable,  with  a  heavy 
battery  in  casemate.  An  action  began  which  resulted  in  the 
Carondelet  being  injured  and  run  aground,  the  Tyler  being  se 
verely  injured  and  driven  off,  and  the  ram  (not  commanded 
by  Lieutenant  -  Colonel  Ellet  in  person)  leaving  without  a 
show  of  fight,  which  called  down  some  hard  names  on  her 
captain,  who  seems  to  have  had  what  the  pilots  call  a  "  big 
scare  "  on  him. 

The  Arkansas,  making  her  way  after  the  flying  enemy, 
came  down  the  Mississippi  through  our  combined  fleet, 
serving  her  guns  with  great  effect,  and  defying  danger  or 
interruption.  It  was  certainly  a  very  exciting  and  pleasing 
sight  so  far  as  the  gallantry  of  the  thing  was  concerned,  but 
a  little  too  tantalizing  for  the  numerous  men-of-war,  secure 
in  their  very  numbers,  who  were  lying  idle,  helpless,  motion 
less,  without  steam,  and  without  means  of  resistance,  except 
that  of  firing  their  broadsides  as  the  ironclad  rascal  went  by. 

The  rapid  and  continuous  firing  in  the  river  Yazoo,  plainly 
heard  by  us,  excited  some  suspicion,  but  we,  most  of  us, 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  firing  was  upon  guerrilla 
parties  only.  But  Captain  Phelps  was  the  first  to  appre 
hend  something  serious,  and  sent  to  me  for  permission  to 
raise  the  steam.  We  had  then  only  thirty  pounds  of  steam, 
and  required  sixty  to  move.  We  fired  up,  but  before  we 
could  move  —  and  this  vessel  was  the  first,  and,  with  one  ex 
ception,  the  only  man-of-war  under  way  —  the  ram  was  far 
below  us  and  out  of  reach;  she  had  passed  below  the  bat 
teries.  It  is  impossible  to  say  what  injury  she  sustained.1 

1  "  When  the  Arkansas  reached  the  fleet,  her  smoke-stack  had  been  so 
often  perforated  by  the  Carondelefs  shot  that  her  boilers  could  scarcely 


264  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

She  seemed  at  one  time  to  be  very  much  crippled,  and  I 
made  sure  of  her ;  but  she  managed  to  escape.  Having  fol 
lowed  her  down  to  the  point,  I  engaged  the  upper  battery. 
Shortly  afterwards,  I  went  down  with  Farragut  again,  to 
show  him  the  position  of  the  battery,  and  in  the  evening,  as  I 
shall  tell  you,  again. 

If  you  remember  what  I  have  previously  told  you  of  Com 
modore  Farragut,  you  may  imagine  his  excitement  at  this 
scene  of  mortification  and  rebel  triumph.  He  desired  to 
make  it  worse  by  putting  his  whole  command  in  all  sorts  of 
perilous  positions,  and  treated  my  reason  as  very  cold  and 
repulsive.  The  contrast  between  us  was  very  striking,  though 
perfectly  friendly.  During  the  day  he  decided  to  run  by  the 
batteries,  and  take  care  of  the  remainder  of  his  fleet  below. 
I  covered  his  passage  by  the  upper  batteries  for  an  hour ; 
this  made  the  fourth  time  I  was  under  fire  during  the  day. 
The  old  Benton  was  struck  in  the  hull  a  dozen  times,  but 
only  one  man  was  killed,  and  two  wounded  and  ten  missing. 

I  thought  after  the  morning  at  Memphis  I  had  done  with 
rams,  but  here  this  scamp  has  come  to  keep  us  again  in  a 
state  of  excitement  and  apprehension. 

July  18th.  You  may  imagine  that,  since  the  escapade  of 
the  rebel  ram,  we  have  passed  an  uncomfortable  time.  After 
such  a  calamity  there  is  a  great  disposition  to  find  fault,  and 
to  impute  blame  to  some  one.  On  such  occasions  a  scape 
goat  must  be  found.  Those  whose  pride  and  self-love  are 
wounded,  or  who  fear  censure  and  are  anxious  to  anticipate 
it,  have  a  way  of  hiding  their  own  share  in  the  transaction, 
either  by  a  direct  charge,  or  by  concealing  the  true  issue.  I 
shall  resort  to  none  of  these  devices.  I  have  been  fortunate, 
and  am  content  to  suffer  misfortune.  Shall  I  receive  good, 
and  not  evil,  at  the  hands  of  the  Lord? 

supply  any  steam.  Her  speed  was  thereby  reduced  to  one  knot,  power 
less  to  ram  and  scarcely  sufficient  to  steer."  Vide  Captain  Makan's  Life 
of  Admiral  Farragut,  p.  191. 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  265 

What  annoys  me  is  that  Farragut  invites  me  to  join  him 
in  placing  both  squadrons  under  the  guns  of  the  batteries, 
thus  risking  the  great  trust  we  hold,  to  indulge  a  momentary 
spleen.  I  fear  that  I  shall  be  dragged  into  a  violation  of  my 
clearest  sense  of  duty  by  his  impetuosity.  Conceive  the  fatal 
consequences  of  the  loss  of  this  six  hundred  miles  of  river, 
the  control  of  which  is  the  result  of  five  months  of  hard  fight 
ing  and  patient  waiting,  by  the  army  and  navy,  through  vio 
lent  days  and  weary  nights.  And  yet  he  writes  me  that  he 
wants  to  go  in  "  regardless  of  consequences  "  !  The  loss  of 
the  Mississippi  River  at  this  time,  after  the  repulse  at  Rich 
mond,  would  postpone  the  termination  of  the  war  indefinitely, 
spread  panic  throughout  the  Northwest,  interrupt  business, 
lower  stocks,  and  provoke  foreign  interference;  but,  above 
all,  it  would  give  such  encouragement  to  the  rebels,  and  so 
entirely  dishearten  our  friends  in  the  South,  that  the  hope 
of  putting  down  this  rebellion  in  any  reasonable  time  would 
be  lost.  And  yet  my  friend  the  admiral  says  we  are  to  act 
"regardless  of  consequences."  This  is  the  language  of  a 
Hotspur,  and  not  of  one  that  hath  a  rule  over  his  own  spirit ; 
with  such  counsels,  we  shall  soon  be  like  a  city  that  is  broken 
down  and  without  walls.  My  own  conceptions  of  duty  are  so 
clear  and  distinct  that  I  shall  not  forget  my  paramount  obli 
gations  to  my  country  to  gratify  a  feeling  of  resentful  pride. 

Yet  you  must  not  think  that  Farragut  and  I  differ  un 
kindly.  Nothing  can  exceed  his  kindness,  candor,  and  liber 
ality;  our  old  ties  have  been  strengthened  by  our  present 
intercourse.  He  is  a  man  who  unites  with  a  bold  and  impetu 
ous  spirit  an  affectionate  temper,  and  a  generous  and  candid 
nature. 

We  have  kept  our  mortars  very  busy  lately,  firing  at  the 
rebel  ram  and  gunboat  Arkansas,  which  is  kept  uneasy  by 
our  shells.  She  was  injured  by  shot  the  morning  she  passed 
here,  and  our  bombs  prevent  the  work  of  repair  from  going 
on  during  the  day.  Yesterday  we  drove  the  workmen  away 


266  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

by  the  terror  of  our  explosions  ;  they  were  forced  back  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  But  work,  under  such  conditions,  is 
not  likely  to  be  well  and  expeditiously  done.  We  are  aiming 
to  destroy  the  Arkansas  by  the  falling  bombs,  and  we  come 
very  near  it  when  they  explode  in  such  close  proximity  to  her 
as  to  oblige  every  one  to  abandon  her  while  the  firing  con 
tinues.  Yesterday  we  sunk  a  wharf -boat  (as  it  is  called), 
lying  within  three  hundred  yards  of  her ;  the  boat  was  struck 
twice  and  destroyed.  If  the  same  good  luck  would  attend  us 
in  hitting  the  Arkansas,  we  should  be  relieved  from  anxiety  on 
account  of  this  unwelcome  stranger.  We  shall  keep  at  work. 

I  believe  I  said  nothing  in  my  last  of  the  shot  that  came 
through  us  on  the  15th.  One  passed  through  the  iron-plated 
side  without  difficulty,  and,  after  taking  off  the  head  of  a  man 
close  to  the  shoulders,  destroyed  the  cabin  kitchen,  Captain 
Phelps's  room,  and  my  own  room,  finally  lodging  in  the  very 
centre  of  my  bed.  I  have  saved  the  shot,  and  hope  to  bring 
it  home  with  me  one  of  these  days. 

July  23d.  I  must  not  disguise  from  you  that  our  troubles 
down  here  are  not  diminished.  An  attempt  yesterday  morn 
ing,  as  we  thought  well  and  deliberately  planned,  to  destroy 
the  Arkansas,  failed  through  various  causes,  though  it  re 
sulted  in  doing  her  some  injury.  The  attempt  has  left  me 
worse  off  than  before.  The  guerrillas  are  beginning  to  trouble 
us  on  the  river ;  several  of  our  mail-boats  have  been  fired  into, 
and  one,  we  fear,  has  been  sunk.  I  keep  at  the  Arkansas 
with  the  mortars  steadily,  and  have  hit  her  three  or  four 
times,  but  not  a  smashing  blow.  We  make  her  state  very 
disagreeable,  and  keep  her  constantly  in  motion.  She  showed 
herself  round  the  point  this  morning,  and  we  were  in  hopes 
she  was  coming  up.  I  have  no  doubt  that  we  shall  drive  her 
to  a  state  of  frenzy.  The  fact  is,  our  situation  is  unpleasant, 
knowing,  especially,  how  they  are  growling  at  us  at  home. 

July  25th.  The  two  last  days  have  been  delightful ;  the 
thermometer  has  come  down  to  90°  in  the  shade ;  there  is  a 


YICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  267 

breeze,  and  at  night  a  sheet  is  not  oppressive.  Sailing  rapidly 
against  the  wind  in  one  of  the  tugs  produces  a  chilly  sensa 
tion.  This  is  good  for  our  poor  sick,  who,  the  doctor  tells  me 
this  morning,  number  forty  per  cent,  of  all  our  people,  and 
increase  at  the  rate  of  four  or  five  per  cent,  a  day,  on  board 
this  ship  alone,  where  we  are  particularly  healthy,  —  four  or 
five  per  cent,  of  the  remaining  healthy  people.  I  am  so  dis 
abled  by  the  remittent  and  intermittent  fevers  of  the  climate 
that  I  think  of  moving  up  the  river.  Flag  Officer  Farragut 
went  down  the  river  yesterday.  General  Williams  also  went 
down  yesterday,  by  which  movement  our  communication  with 
the  lower  river  is  cut  off.  I  have  lost  control  of  my  vessels 
below.  I  urged  General  Williams  to  stay,  but  he  replied 
that  his  orders  precluded  the  exercise  of  choice,  and  that,  if 
this  were  not  so,  he  should  not  venture  to  remain,  on  account 
of  the  effect  of  the  climate  on  his  troops.  He  brought,  he 
said,  thirty-two  hundred  men  with  him,  and  carries  away 
only  eight  hundred  effective.  The  other  three  fourths  have 
died  from  exposure  and  the  climate,  or  are  now  in  the  hospi 
tal.  Lately,  ten  have  died  in  a  day ;  it  is  like  a  pestilence. 
The  ram  fleet  is  in  the  same  condition. 

You  would  be  astonished  to  see  how  utterly  it  prostrates 
the  patients  sick  with  fever.  A  large  man  rises  to  walk  ten 
steps  and  falls  down  like  a  baby,  fainting  away. 

Mississippi  River,  July  31st.  In  my  last  letter  I  believe  I 
gave  you  a  short  account  of  our  last  attempt  to  destroy  the 
Arkansas.  It  was  a  failure  in  every  way.  There  was  a 
want  of  cooperation,  most  unaccountable,  on  the  part  of  Com 
modore  Farragut,  by  which  one  important  vessel  was  not 
brought  into  the  action,  and  by  which  the  support  of  his 
squadron  was  withheld. 

I  was  informed  by  Flag  Officer  Farragut,  immediately 
after  the  last  attack  on  the  Arkansas,  that  he  intended  to 
move  down  the  river  at  once,  in  obedience  to  orders  from  the 
department ;  and,  at  the  same  moment,  I  learned  from  report 


268  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

that  General  Williams  was  to  accompany  him  with  the  troops 
under  his  command.  I  wrote  to  General  Williams  urging 
him  to  remain  and  keep  open  communication  above  and  below 
Vicksburg  by  railroad,  the  means  for  constructing  which 
were  at  hand.  He  replied  that  his  orders  obliged  him  to 
go,  and  that  without  them  he  would  be  compelled  to  move, 
on  account  of  the  disabled  condition  of  his  command.  He 
had  brought  with  him  thirty-two  hundred  men,  of  which 
twenty-four  hundred  were  dead  or  in  the  hospital.  He  could 
only  muster  eight  hundred  effective  men  and  officers. 

His  departure  rendered  it  necessary  that  I  should  abandon 
the  position  I  then  held,  because  it  gave  the  enemy  the  pos 
session  of  the  point  from  the  ditch  down.  General  Williams 
has,  in  making  the  canal,  converted  it  into  a  means  of  defense 
by  constructing  a  continued  breastwork  and  rifle-pit  on  the 
lower  border,  and  introducing  an  angle,  where  the  levee 
crossed  the  canal  on  the  upper  border,  so  as  to  enfilade  it. 

It  was,  therefore,  no  longer  safe  for  my  hospital,  commis 
sary,  and  ordnance  boats  to  lie  at  the  bank  as  they  had  done. 
I  therefore  moved  up  with  my  whole  command  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Yazoo.  Vicksburg  being  thus  abandoned  above  and 
below  by  the  fleets  and  the  army,  I  had  to  determine  on  my 
next  step. 

I  had  allowed  the  ram  Sumter 1  to  go  down  with  Farra- 
gut,  not  only  to  assist  in  the  attack  on  the  Arkansas,  but  to 
assist  also  in  maintaining  the  blockade  of  that  vessel  below ; 
and  in  the  same  manner,  and  with  the  same  motive,  I  con 
sented  to  the  Essex  going  down.  I  supposed  that  Commo 
dore  Farragut  might  go  down,  —  he  told  me  that  he  had  urged 
the  department  to  allow  him  to  do  so,  —  but  it  never  entered 
my  head  that  I  should  be  deserted  by  the  army  ;  and  it  was 
my  expectation  to  blockade  the  town  on  both  sides,  keeping 
up  the  communication  between  the  two  detachments  of  my 
squadron  across  the  neck. 

1  One  of  the  vessels  captured  at  Memphis  and  taken  into  the  service. 


VICKSBURG  AND   THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  269 

Now,  however,  the  Essex  and  Sumter  were  wholly  lost  to 
me.  They  would  be  obliged  to  go  to  Baton  Rouge  or  New 
Orleans  for  supplies.  The  communications  in  my  rear  were 
so  seriously  threatened  that  they  could  only  be  kept  open  by 
gunboats,  and  my  light  and  fleet  gunboats  were  all  under 
repairs.  One  of  my  mail-boats  had  been  sunk  near  Island 
82,  under  circumstances  not  known,  and  several  had  been 
fired  into  by  horse  artillery.  Thus  my  supplies  and  mails 
were  cut  off,  except  they  were  sent  under  convoy,  which  con 
voy  I  could  not  give. 

I  received  information  from  a  reliable  source,  and  of  a  cir 
cumstantial  character,  that  heavy  guns  were  transported  across 
the  Yazoo  to  be  carried  to  the  vicinity  of  Island  94,  or  Island 
92 ;  flying  artillery  was  taken  from  bank  to  bank  on  the 
great  bends  of  the  river  and  used  twice  on  the  same  vessel ; 
a  small  battery  was  reported  at  or  near  Greenville;  and 
small  guns  and  muskets  in  the  hands  of  guerrilla  parties  had 
been  fired  at  our  vessels  from  several  points  between  Gaines's 
Landing  and  Carolina  Landing.  The  same  thing  had  oc 
curred  at  and  above  Napoleon.  We  had  heard  repeatedly 
that  Price  was  crossing  from  Mississippi  into  Arkansas  to 
make  a  junction  with  Hindman,  and  General  Curtis  had 
asked  for  gunboats. 

My  squadron  had  been  reduced  to  a  comparatively  weak 
condition.  Both  the  vessels  engaged  with  the  Arkansas  in 
the  Yazoo  Eiver  had  been  sent  to  Cairo  for  repairs,  and, 
having  lost  the  Essex  and  the  Sumter^  I  was  reduced  to 
the  Benton,  the  Cincinnati  in  a  sinking  condition,  the  Louis 
ville,  and  the  ram  General  Bragg. 

Sickness  had  made  sudden  and  terrible  havoc  with  my 
people.  It  came,  as  it  were,  all  at  once.  Ten  and  fifteen 
cases  were  added  to  the  sick-list  every  day  for  several  days ; 
and  though  many  patients  were  discharged  every  day,  and 
though  the  usual  course  of  the  fever  was  short,  yet  the  attack 
was  invariably  followed  by  extreme  debility ;  the  efficiency  of 


270  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  vessel  was  greatly  impaired,  and  she  was  converted  into 
a  hospital,  her  decks  on  one  side  especially  being  crowded 
with  cots  and  hammocks. 

The  other  vessels  had  suffered  in  the  same  way.  The  hos 
pital  boat  had  one  hundred  and  fifty  patients,  and  was 
thronged.  Every  transport  and  other  vessel  was  more  or 
less  disabled,  and,  as  for  the  ordnance  boat  of  the  mortar- 
fleet,  she  had,  I  think,  eighty  men  on  their  backs.  These 
poor  fellows  (the  mortar-men)  died  in  the  most  mysterious 
manner.  They  would  be  apparently  well  at  evening,  and 
enjoy  their  supper,  and  during  the  night  sink  away  and  pass 
off  without  pain.  The  surgeon  told  me  he  was  afraid  the 
fever  would  assume  a  more  serious  type,  —  it  would  pass  in 
time  from  one  mittent  to  another,  from  inter  to  re  or  the 
reverse,  and  thence  to  typhoid,  and  from  that  to  bilious  con 
gestive,  and  so  on  to  whatever  there  may  be  that  is  worse. 
He  is  an  old  practitioner  in  these  parts.  He  wanted  to  move 
up  very  much,  and  wrote  me  a  letter  to  that  effect.  The 
symptoms  of  the  scurvy  enhanced  the  pleasures  of  the  scene. 

Taking  into  consideration  all  these  things,  I  determined  to 
return  up  the  river  as  far  as  Helena,  and  am  on  my  way 
there  now.  This  decision  is  my  own.  I  talked  the  matter 
over  with  one  or  two  persons,  but  called  no  council  of  war. 
The  responsibility  is  my  own,  and  it  will  not  worry  me  the 
least  in  the  world  if  it  is  not  approved  of.  Every  prudent 
general  keeps  open  the  road  in  his  rear  by  which  he  receives 
his  communications  and  supplies.  It  is  as  good  generalship 
at  one  time  to  fall  back  as  at  another  to  advance ;  and  he  who 
obstinately  persists  in  maintaining  a  position,  by  which  he 
himself  is  the  loser  and  the  enemy  the  gainer,  is  worthy  to  be 
written  down  an  ass.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  I  could 
take  the  city  of  Vicksburg  with  my  squadron  only,  without 
troops  ;  and,  this  being  so,  I  am  as  well  at  Helena  as  at  any 
point  lower  down. 

But  you  must  distinctly  understand  one  thing,  —  that  I  am 


VICKSBURG  AND   THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  271 

not  giving  up  the  possession  of  any  part  of  the  river  I  now 
hold  by  falling  back  to  Helena.  Between  Helena  and  Vicks- 
burg  there  are  no  bluffs,  no  high  land  suited  to  fortifica 
tions.  Guns  can  only  be  placed  in  position  on  the  level  bank, 
where,  to  be  sure,  the  levee  often  serves  as  a  breastwork ; 
but  they  will  have  no  advantage  of  ground,  and  our  fire  will 
easily  dislodge  them.  I  shall  return  down  the  river  with  the 
men-of-war  when  the  Eastport  joins  me. 

There  was  one  painful  circumstance  attending  our  leaving 
Vicksburg.  General  Williams  had  collected  negroes  from 
the  plantations  for  a  hundred  miles  above,  to  work  on  the 
ditch  or  canal ;  among  them  were  women  and  children.  When 
he  went  down  the  river  he  was  obliged  to  leave  them  to  take 
care  of  themselves.  We  took  some  of  them,  and  supplied 
the  others  with  provisions,  and  persuaded  them  to  go  home. 
They  were  in  terrible  distress,  —  fearful  of  being  whipped,  if 
not  killed,  notwithstanding  that  they  had  been  taken  from 
home  by  force. 

I  have  brought  up  the  river  with  me  a  large  fleet  of  im 
pedimenta,  coal  and  ice  barges,  tugs,  and  mortar-boats  in 
cluded.  Some  of  the  officers  tried  very  hard  to  persuade  me 
to  throw  the  latter  overboard,  on  account  of  their  retarding 
our  movements  so  much.  They  are  nothing  but  deep,  square 
boxes,  carrying  a  dead  weight  of  twenty-five  tons  each.  They 
are  a  terrible  drag,  but  I  declined  to  listen  to  the  proposition, 
if  it  took  me  ten  days  to  get  up  the  river.  To  throw  over 
board  any  guns  would  have  given  to  my  falling  back  to  Helena 
—  a  measure  of  prudence  merely  —  the  character  of  a  hasty 
retreat,  or  flight  even.  I  was  on  my  cruising-ground,  and  it 
was  of  no  importance  how  long  it  took  me  to  make  the  pas 
sage.  Fortunately  I  had  coal  enough,  for  I  had  taken  off  of 
Farragut's  hands  the  coal  he  sent  for,  which  arrived  after 
he  passed  below  the  town.  I  have  now  brought  them  two 
hundred  and  seventy  miles,  and  am  only  thirty  miles  below 
Helena.  But  the  detention  has  been  less  than  was  feared. 


272  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

I  doubt  if  they  retarded  our  progress  much  after  the  tow- 
boats  learned  how  to  take  hold  of  them.  If  nothing  hap 
pens,  we  shall  reach  Helena  to-night  (Thursday)  ;  we  left  the 
mouth  of  the  Yazoo  last  Saturday  at  about  three  o'clock. 

I  have  experienced  some  anxiety  during  the  time  from 
having  so  many  helpless  vessels  in  the  fleet,  and  from  being 
so  utterly  helpless  myself  in  one  respect,  —  I  mean  in  the 
power  of  moving.  If  the  Arkansas  had  run  up  into  the 
midst  of  our  squadron,  she  could  have  caused  unutterable 
distress.  We  should  have  been  as  likely  to  injure  friend  as 
foe,  while  she,  having  only  foes  around  her,  could  never  have 
fired  amiss.  But  in  our  last  attack  the  shot  of  the  Essex 
made  a  hole  in  her  side  several  feet  long,  and  she  was  other 
wise  in  need  of  repairs.  Her  captain,  Brown,  formerly  a 
lieutenant  in  our  navy,  has  his  home  up  here  about  six  miles 
from  Helena ;  a  fine  plantation,  Phelps  tells  me,  who  was  once 
intimate  with  him,  sailed  and  messed  with  him,  and  was  fond 
of  him.  He  may  be  showing  himself  up  here,  flourishing  off 
in  his  old  haunts.  He  can  trust  to  his  superior  speed  if  the 
Eastport  does  not  come,  and  he  knows,  no  doubt,  that  the 
old  Benton  is  slow  to  wrath,  though  able  to  say  a  good  word 
for  herself  when  she  reaches  the  scene  of  action.  You  will 
wonder  how  she  has  made  her  way  upstream  against  the 
strong  current  of  the  Mississippi.  She  had  the  fast  and 
powerful  side-wheel  boat  Switzerland  tugging  at  her  on  one 
side  and  the  General  Bragg  on  the  other.  With  these  two 
large  and  heavy  boats  shoving  her  along,  she  cannot  go  faster 
than  the  mortar-boats  are  towed. 

As  we  approach  Helena  I  am  satisfied,  from  the  reports 
received  from  the  transports,  towing  vessels,  etc.,  that  if  we 
had  remained  a  week  longer  at  Vicksburg  I  should  not  have 
had  engineers  nor  firemen  enough  to  bring  the  vessels  up. 
As  it  is,  we  have  depended  very  much  on  the  contrabands  to 
do  the  work  in  front  of  the  fires. 

Helena,  Friday,  August  1st.     I  anchored  here  last  evening 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  273 

at  eight  o'clock  with  the  whole  fleet.  I  have  not  dropped  a 
coal  barge  on  the  way,  though  you  may  well  suppose  that  we 
had  a  tedious  time  of  it.  There  is  no  knowing  what  crazy 
project  the  department  may  have  in  view,  or  how  this  move 
of  mine  may  be  taken.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  the  only 
course  now  to  be  pursued  is  to  yield  to  the  climate,  and  post 
pone  any  further  action  at  Vicksburg  till  the  fever  season  is 
over.  This  childish  impatience  I  have  no  sympathy  with, 
and  I  have  as  little  with  that  absurd  state  of  mind  that  refuses 
to  recognize  and  accept  a  disappointment  or  a  misfortune. 
"Shall  we  accept  the  good,  and  cavil  at  the  ill?"  if  my 
memory  serves  me  to  quote  right.  Some  natures  seem  never 
to  rise  to  the  dignity  of  self-command. 

The  Navy  Department  had  been  obliged  to  aban 
don  its  project  for  the  reduction  of  Vicksburg ;  in 
fact,  the  premature  demonstration  and  the  junction 
of  the  two  fleets  was  probably  intended  rather  to  pro 
duce  a  moral  effect  at  the  North  than  with  any  idea 
of  military  success.  But  if  that  were  the  case,  the 
effect  -was  immediately  lost,  and  the  attempt  had  pro 
duced  no  effect  whatever  on  the  enemy.  Whatever 
the  desires  of  the  government  may  have  been,  the 
climate  of  the  summer  months  and  the  low  stage  of 
the  waters  in  the  Western  rivers  put  an  effectual  stop 
to  further  operations  with  the  flotilla  until  the  cool 
weather  returned.  From  Helena  Davis  returned  to 
Cairo,  the  headquarters  of  the  flotilla,  for  conference 
with  the  military  authorities,  and  for  a  general  repair 
of  his  ships  during  the  period  of  forced  inactivity ;  and 
he  had  no  sooner  got  there  than  he  fell  ill  himself 
with  the  fever  of  the  climate.  Fortunately  this  illness 
occurred  at  a  place  where  he  was  able  to  move  out  of 


274  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

his  ship  and  find  sick-quarters  on  shore ;  and  he  passed 
nearly  three  weeks  in  the  house  of  Captain  Pennock, 
the  commandant  of  the  naval  station  at  Cairo,  under 
a  severe  attack  of  the  fever  and  in  slow  convalescence. 
The  latter  was  favored  by  a  change,  in  the  middle  of 
August,  from  the  intense  heat  of  the  summer  to  the 
first  cool  breath  of  autumn,  and  while  still  confined  to 
the  commandant's  house  at  Cairo  he  writes,  under  date 
of  August  16th :  — 

A  change  has  come  over  the  weather  here.  Night  before 
last  there  was  an  exceedingly  violent  storm,  and  yesterday 
and  to-day  the  weather  has  been  more  than  cool.  Last  night 
I  slept  under  a  light  coverlid  and  blanket.  The  change  is 
so  extreme  that  it  is  almost  uncomfortable.  But  it  is  impos 
sible  to  complain  after  the  heat.  I  never  can  describe  to 
you  that  heat,  particularly  at  Vicksburg.  There  are  days 
with  us,  you  know,  in  midsummer,  when  the  air  is  perfectly 
still  and  breathless,  and  one  gasps  for  breath.  Imagine  a 
continued  succession  of  such  days,  —  long,  long,  weary,  red- 
hot,  gasping  days,  that  seem  as  if  they  made  no  progress 
at  all,  as  if  they  would  never  end.  And  then  to  go  below 
into  an  atmosphere  warmer  than  the  upper  air,  like  a  kitchen 
or  drying-room,  and  all  night  to  swelter  in  the  same  heat,  — 
I  shall  never  forget  it  as  long  as  I  live.  I  believe  I  may 
thank  God  that  the  worst  of  it  is  over.  The  climate  at 
Helena  is  much  more  mild  and  healthy  than  at  Vicksburg, 
and  we  are  not  likely  to  go  to  Vicksburg  again  for  the  pre 
sent,  or,  if  so,  for  a  short  time  only. 

I  told  you  that  General  Curtis  and  I  came  up  here  to 
gether  on  business.  The  object  of  our  coming  was  to  per 
suade  the  government  to  let  us  make  a  combined  movement 
on  Vicksburg.  General  Curtis' s  troops  are  fresh  and  healthy, 
and  if  it  were  done  suddenly  it  would  be  attended  with  sue- 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  275 

cess.  The  government  declined.  It  was  getting  an  army 
ready,  it  said,  for  Vicksburg ;  and  I  imagine  it  means  to 
avoid  exposing  new  troops  to  a  climate  that  has  the  reputation 
of  being  very  dangerous  to  strangers  at  this  season  of  the 
year.  But  Vicksburg  is  doomed. 

During  his  stay  at  Cairo  Davis  had  the  pleasure  of 
hearing  of  the  destruction  of  the  ram  Arkansas.  The 
two  gunboats,  the  Essex  and  Sumter,  which  he  had 
sent  down  to  attack  the  ram  as  she  lay  at  the  bank 
under  the  Vicksburg  batteries,  had  been  unable  through 
lack  of  speed  to  force  their  way  up  again  past  the  bat 
teries  and  against  the  strong  current  of  the  river, 
and  remained  below,  and  became  part  of  Farragut's 
squadron.  They  had  continued  to  patrol  the  river  be 
tween  Vicksburg  and  Baton  Rouge,  which  latter  point 
was  held  by  General  Williams.  The  enemy  attacked 
by  land,  supported  by  the  Arkansas  and  two  gunboats. 
Farragut  came  up  the  river  with  a  part  of  his  squadron, 
but  before  he  arrived  at  Baton  Rouge  the  enemy  had 
been  repulsed,  though  General  Williams  was  killed ;  and 
the  Arkansas  was  attacked  and  destroyed  by  Captain 
W.  D.  Porter  in  the  Essex,  who  had  been  directed  by 
Davis,  before  the  interruption  of  his  communications 
across  the  neck  at  Vicksburg  by  the  withdrawal  of 
General  Williams,  to  cruise  between  Baton  Rouge  and 
Vicksburg,  to  look  out  for  the  Arkansas,  and  to  attack 
her  if  she  could  be  reached.  Thus  the  destruction  of 
this  formidable  vessel  was  the  act  of  one  of  Davis's 
captains,  executing  his  specific  orders. 

Before  leaving  Cairo  Davis  shifted  his  flag  to  the 
Eastport,  a  finer  and  more  commodious  vessel  than 


276  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

the  JBenton,  and  much  superior  to  the  latter  in  speed, 
though  not  so  heavily  armed.  The  Easlport  was  fitted 
as  a  ram,  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  ram  in  naval  war 
fare  was  developed  on  the  Mississippi  River,  where  the 
narrow  waters  gave  an  advantage  to  vessels  of  high 
speed  in  such  tactics,  although  the  real  superiority  of 
ordnance  over  the  ram  had  been  demonstrated  in  the 
battles  of  Fort  Pillow  and  Memphis. 

FLAGSHIP  EASTPORT, 
Near  HELENA,  September  5,  1862. 

Near  Helena,  you  perceive,  not  at  Helena.  I  have  had 
such  a  time  getting  down  here !  owing  to  the  low  stage  of 
the  water  in  the  river.  Among  the  acquisitions  growing  out 
of  these  troublous  times,  to  me  one  of  the  newest  and  most 
interesting  is  a  knowledge  of  some  of  the  peculiarities,  the 
most  prominent  habits,  of  our  respected  relative,  the  Father  of 
the  Western  Waters.  He  is  just  now  in  a  very  humble  stage 
of  his  fortunes,  and  the  meagre  contrast  he  presents  to  his 
condition  when  he  was  girded  to  the  hips  and  overflowing  in 
May  last,  when  I  first  took  command  of  the  flotilla,  is  very 
striking.  Then  there  was  not  a  bit  of  land  to  be  seen,  except 
at  the  high  bluffs  here  and  there,  nothing  but  trees.  It  was 
like  the  time  of  the  deluge  :  there  was  not  a  resting-place  for 
the  foot.  It  was  magna  componere  parvis,  like  the  sides  of 
a  channel  when  the  tide  is  up.  One  might  penetrate  in  a 
boat  far  up  into  the  woods,  or  timber,  as  they  call  it  here ; 
while  now  it  is  only  vessels  of  the  smallest  draught  that  can 
sail  fearlessly  and  without  danger  of  interruption  from  point 
to  point.  When  the  Father  of  Waters  shrinks  away  in  this 
manner,  and  his  territory  becomes  altogether  too  wide  for  his 
shrunken  proportions,  he  wastes  his  weakened  force  by  letting 
it  run  in  a  number  of  small  channels.  At  this  time  he 
travels  with  considerable  volume  and  velocity,  perhaps,  a  long 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  277 

reach  of  his  course,  and  then  he  will  come  to  a  point  when  he 
begins  to  spread  and  diffuse  and  sprawl  out  into  shallow,  diffi 
cult  streams  and  impassable  bars.  His  last  stage  of  decline, 
on  which  he  is  just  now  entering,  is  that  of  "  cutting  out,"  it 
is  called.  In  this  he  is  now  employed,  in  improving  one  of 
the  shallow  channels  at  the  expense  of  the  others. 

At  the  very  end  of  the  season  the  river  is,  on  account  of 
this  "  cutting  out "  process,  really  better  than  at  the  time  of 
the  falling  of  the  waters  ;  for  then,  while  the  channels  have 
deteriorated  simultaneously,  in  the  latter  case  some  one  of 
them  receives  a  larger  flow  of  water  than  the  rest,  and  main 
tains  a  useful  depth. 

We  are  at  the  worst  stage,  and  the  whole  passage  from 
Cairo  to  this  place  has  been  replete  with  anxiety.  We  got 
on  shore  the  second  afternoon,  and  remained  aground  till  one 
o'clock  the  next  morning,  working  hard  in  the  ways  peculiar 
to  the  river.  One  of  these  ways  is,  or  consists  in,  getting  a 
large,  heavy  spar  on  the  bottom,  at  the  end  of  the  vessel 
hardest  ashore,  and  in  raising  the  vessel  by  means  of  it  from 
the  bottom,  while  other  steamers,  at  the  same  time,  drag  and 
push  her  in  the  way  she  is  to  go.  This  was  tried  with  us, 
but  for  some  time  without  success ;  and  it  began  to  be  thought 
that  she  was  too  heavy  to  be  moved  in  that  way.  The  river 
steamers  are  light,  —  light  in  their  frame,  light  in  their 
upper  works,  light  everywhere.  But  this  vessel  is  a  great 
mass  of  iron,  apparently  defying  any  ordinary  effort  to 
move  her.  The  struggle  lasted  so  long  that  at  last  I  made 
up  my  mind  that  in  the  morning  I  would  pack  up  my  valise 
and  go  on  board  of  one  of  the  other  steamers,  bidding  good-by 
to  my  Eastport,  for  which  I  had  waited  so  long,  and  from 
which  I  had  expected  so  much.  This  would  have  been,  in 
deed,  a  heavy  disappointment !  But  I  was  prepared  to  go. 
At  nine  the  vessel  began  to  move,  and  at  twelve  she  swung 
sensibly ;  at  one  we  were  once  more  at  anchor  in  deep  water, 
or  "  no  bottom,"  as  the  pilots  say  here  when  it  is  over  the 


278  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

measured  length  of  their  lines,  —  four  fathoms.  From  that 
time  to  this  we  have  touched  repeatedly,  and  I  have  had  be 
fore  me  the  constant  apprehension  of  having  the  Eastport  in 
the  mud  or  sand  until  the  next  rise  of  the  river. 

So  far  from  enjoying  my  new  ship  freely  and  spontane 
ously,  I  enjoyed  it  as  a  man  enjoys  an  elegant  mansion  in  the 
city,  or  a  comfortable  home  like  ours  in  the  country,  which 
he  has  received  notice  to  quit.  I  began  to  think  that  I  should 
be  satisfied  if  I  could  get  her  as  far  as  Memphis,  where  she 
would  be  safe,  at  least,  and  where  I  could  go  on  board  of  one 
of  the  old  gunboats. 

In  the  meantime  it  was  rather  awkward  and  inconvenient 
to  have  thirty-five  hundred  prisoners  under  one's  charge,  and 
to  be  every  now  and  then  in  a  helpless  condition.  But  even 
this  was  not  the  worst  of  our  misfortunes.  Suddenly  one  of 
our  boilers  sprang  a  leak,  and  put  out  the  fires  of  the  fur 
naces.  We  were  obliged  to  lie  at  anchor  a  day  to  ascertain 
the  cause  and  apply  the  remedy.  The  cause  was,  that,  owing 
to  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  vessel  (she  is  an  old  hull,  a 
prize,  built  upon),  or  to  the  violence  and  peculiar  direction  of 
her  striking  the  bottom,  the  bottom  had  begun  to  rise  in  the 
middle,  under  the  boilers.  The  keelson  was  broken  upwards, 
and  the  whole  floor  of  the  vessel  disturbed  in  that  place. 
This  was  reduced  by  pressing  it  back  with  a  heavy  weight  of 
iron,  —  several  tons,  —  and  making  the  necessary  repairs  on 
the  boilers,  the  bottoms  of  which  had  been  pressed  in  by  the 
rising  of  the  floor  on  which  they  were  supported.  "With  all 
these  trials,  delays,  and  apprehensions  we  finally  reached 
Helena.  But  here  I  am  stopped  peremptorily.  The  town  is 
in  sight  only  two  miles  off,  but  a  bar  separates  us  from  it 
effectually,  so  that  this  evening,  finding  it  impossible  to  go  far 
ther,  I  have  sent  forward  the  convoy  under  another  gunboat. 

I  am  in  daily  expectation  of  the  other  vessels  of  the  con 
voy,  and,  if  I  get  over  the  bar  in  time,  shall  still  go  myself  to 
Vicksburg. 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  279 

Above  Helena,  September  8th.  On  my  way  down  here,  I 
received  a  very  long  visit  from  General  W.  T.  Sherman,  not 
T.  W.,  our  old  compagnon  de  voyage  to  Port  Royal,  of 
whom  I  may  say,  in  a  word,  that  he  seems  to  have  run 
out  his  career  to  the  extreme  end.1  His  brother  officer  of 
the  same  name,  who  came  to  see  me  in  Memphis,  and  who  is 
a  major-general  and  a  very  distinguished  officer,  told  me  that 
Brigadier-General  Sherman  had  gone  to  the  mountains  of 
Pennsylvania ;  that  he  is  an  odd  person,  thought  he  could  not 
get  along  with  volunteers,  and,  as  the  army  is  composed  mostly 
of  volunteers,  he  had  given  it  up  and  retired.  I  may  as  well 
mention  here  that  he  has  published  a  defense  (I  have  not 
seen  it)  of  his  conduct  in  Port  Royal,  in  which  he  has  made 
an  attack  on  the  navy.  This  was  injudicious.  Without 
helping  his  own  cause,  he  has  made  enemies  uselessly.  Be 
sides,  these  uncalled-for  defenses  are  blunders.  Qui  s' excuse 
s' accuse.  Let  us  reverse  the  order  of  the  alphabet  and  take 
up  W.  T.,  the  major-general,  who  has  no  occasion  to  write 
explanations.  He  is  a  very  agreeable  person,  and  I  was  very 
much  gratified  with  making  his  acquaintance.  Our  inter 
course  placed  us  in  harmony  with  each  other  concerning  the 
business  of  the  river,  one  bank  of  which,  for  an  indefinite 
distance,  is  controlled  by  him,  under  the  orders  of  General 
Grant.  He  tells  me  that  it  is  the  policy  of  the  government 
at  home  to  hold  on  here  to  what  they  have  got,  and  not  to 
undertake  any  active  measures,  except  against  the  guerrillas, 
until  affairs  nearer  home  are  brought  into  a  more  favorable 
condition.  The  fear  of  the  climate  has  no  doubt  a  great  deal 
to  do  with  this  decision.  This  is  the  worst  month,  especially 
as  low  as  Vicksburg,  the  month  of  chills  and  of  bad  fevers. 

The  short  remainder  of  Davis' s  service  in  command 
of  the  Mississippi  flotilla  may  be  summed  up  in  a  very 
few  words.  The  Eastport  remained  at  her  anchorage 

1  See  footnote,  p.  198. 


280  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

above  Helena,  prevented  from  moving  down  by  the 
low  stage  of  the  river,  until  the  20th  of  September, 
when  Davis  was  recalled  to  Cairo,  by  an  order  of  the 
department,  to  effect  the  transfer  of  the  flotilla  from 
army  to  navy  control.  The  worst  season,  when  active 
operations  were  impossible,  was  chosen  for  this  busi 
ness,  and  at  its  conclusion  Davis  was  relieved  by  Rear 
Admiral  Porter  and  recalled  to  Washington.  He  had 
received  his  commission  as  first  chief  of  the  new  Bu 
reau  of  Navigation  in  July,  while  still  before  Vicks- 
burg;  but  he  had  declined  to  relinquish  his  command 
at  the  time,  or  as  long  as  there  was  a  prospect  of  a 
renewal  of  the  attack.  He  yielded  now,  partly  no 
doubt  on  account  of  his  health,  but  also  to  the  insist 
ence  of  the  department.  He  had  been  in  constant 
private  correspondence  with  Mr.  Fox,  and  occasionally 
with  Mr.  Welles,  and  both  had  expressed  a  decided 
wish  that  he  should  return  to  the  department.  He 
himself  says  :  "  There  are  many  reasons  for  being  satis 
fied  to  leave  the  squadron  just  now;  one  of  them  is 
that  there  are  reasons  for  thinking  that  there  will  not 
be  much,  if  any,  more  fighting  on  the  river.  I  look 
back  with  satisfaction  to  the  employments  and  successes 
of  the  last  seventeen  months,  —  the  labors  in  Wash 
ington;  the  victory  of  Port  Koyal,  in  which,  from  its 
first  conception  to  its  final  execution,  I  had  so  large  a 
share ;  the  fight  at  Fort  Pillow ;  and  the  capture  of 
Memphis.  These  are  much  more  than  my  share,  taking 
into  account  the  chances  of  war.  There  are  so  many, 
of  all  those  who  have  sought  active  service  with  equally 
as  much  eagerness  as  myself,  who  have  failed  to  take 


VICKSBURG  AND  THE  RAM  ARKANSAS  281 

part  in  any  of  the  important  naval  events  of  the  rebel 
lion  through  the  accident  of  the  time !  Besides,  my 
own  two  fights  are  the  only  strictly  naval  battles  of 
the  war. 

"  This  life  on  the  river  is  very  lonely.  I  am  glad  to 
return." 

In  the  order  detaching  him  from  the  command  the 
Secretary  wrote  :  "  The  department  selects  this  period  to 
make  the  transfer,  when  operations  nearly  cease  from 
the  low  stage  of  the  water  and  the  employment  else 
where  of  the  cooperating  military  force.  The  zeal, 
ability,  and  success  displayed  whilst  you  have  com 
manded  the  naval  force  on  the  Western  waters  has 
frequently  received  the  commendation  of  the  depart 
ment  and  the  approval  of  the  country." 

In  July,  1862,  an  act  of  Congress  reorganized  the 
navy  and  created  the  new  grades,  which  have  remained 
pretty  much  the  same  to  the  present  day.  Before 
this,  there  had  been  only  three  grades  of  commissioned 
officers,  —  captains,  commanders,  and  lieutenants.  There 
had  never  been,  in  the  navy  itself,  any  real  necessity 
for  an  increase  in  the  number  of  the  lower  grades ;  the 
titles  of  two  of  the  newly  established  grades  had  no 
naval  significance  whatever,  and  of  two  more  the  names 
were  used  in  a  perverted  sense ;  but  the  change  was 
acceptable  to  the  service,  because  it  set  at  rest  the 
vexed  question  of  assimilated  rank  with  the  officers  of 
the  army,  at  a  time  when  the  army  and  navy  were  in 
constant  cooperation.  Moreover,  it  established  a  per 
manent  grade  of  flag  officer,  which  the  navy  had  long 
wished  for.  Early  in  October,  1861,  the  President  had 


282  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

assigned  to  the  then  existing  temporary  rank  of  flag 
officer  the  assimilated  rank  of  major-general  in  the 
army;  but  the  newly  created  grade  of  rear  admiral 
made  the  rank  of  the  flag  officer  permanent,  and  was 
very  welcome  to  the  service ;  and  the  increase  in  the 
total  number  of  grades,  together  with  the  forced  retire 
ment  of  officers  after  forty-five  years  of  service,  held 
out  the  delusive  hope  of  rapid  promotion. 

By  the  operation  of  the  new  law,  Davis  became  a 
commodore  from  July  16,  1862,  the  date  of  the  pas 
sage  of  the  act ;  and,  the  old  law  relating  to  flag  rank 
being  still  in  force,  he  was,  during  the  period  of  his 
command  on  the  Mississippi,  an  acting  rear  admiral, 
and  no  change  was  made  in  the  form  of  his  flag. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION 

THE  Bureau  of  Navigation,  to  the  head  of  which 
Davis  was  now  called,  is  one  of  the  principal  admin 
istrative  branches  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  owes  its 
origin  and  establishment  largely  to  Davis's  own  exer 
tions.  The  plan  of  this  bureau  was  to  bring  under  one 
head  all  the  scientific  departments  of  the  navy  related 
to  hydrography,  astronomy,  navigation,  and  surveying, 
with  their  correlative  details ;  to  include  the  "  Nautical 
Almanac,"  the  Observatory,  and  the  Naval  Academy ; 
the  latter  not  only  as  an  educational  institution  which 
might  properly  be  classed  among  the  scientific  estab 
lishments  of  the  service,  but  also  because  the  academy 
had  been  endowed  with  an  excellently  equipped  astro 
nomical  observatory,  from  which  something  serious  in 
the  way  of  scientific  investigation,  and  in  collaboration 
with  the  Naval  Observatory  in  Washington,  was  confi 
dently  expected. 

These  various  branches,  except  the  Naval  Academy, 
had  been  heretofore  administered  by  the  Bureau  of 
Ordnance,  which  was  designated  the  Bureau  of  Ord 
nance  and  Hydrography,  until  the  establishment  of  the 
independent  Bureau  of  Navigation.  The  Hydrographic 
Office  was  in  one  with  the  Naval  Observatory,  and, 


284  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

under  the  superintendency  of  Maury,  the  office  had 
been  engaged  almost  exclusively  in  hydrographical 
work.  Gillis,  who  succeeded  Maury  in  1861  as  super 
intendent,  had  restored  astronomy  to  its  legitimate 
ascendency  at  the  Observatory,  and,  as  far  as  the  hydro- 
graphical  branch  was  concerned,  the  office  was  a  mere 
depot  of  charts,  most  of  them  of  foreign  production. 
It  was  Da  vis's  plan  to  separate  the  two  branches,  and 
to  create  an  independent  hydrographic  office  under 
the  Bureau  of  Navigation.  He  succeeded  in  this,  and, 
although  the  law  which  established  the  Hydrographic 
Office  was  not  passed  until  1866,  it  passed  in  the  lan 
guage  in  which  the  original  bill  had  been  drawn  by 
Davis  himself,  and  the  new  office  was,  like  the  "  Nau 
tical  Almanac  "  and  the  Bureau  of  Navigation,  his  own 
creation. 

The  bureau  itself  was  intended  by  him  to  cover  only 
the  administration  of  the  scientific  branches  of  the 
naval  service.  But,  by  the  act  of  the  department,  it 
was  made  also  to  include  the  Office  of  Detail.  This 
was  presumably  on  account  of  Davis's  familiarity  with 
the  work  of  that  office  through  his  connection  with  it 
in  1861.  The  two  branches  were  in  no  way  allied,  and 
their  association  was  incongruous;  but,  passing  through 
successive  permutations,  the  bureau  has  at  the  present 
time  entirely  lost  the  scientific  character  which  was  the 
chief  reason  of  its  being,  and  the  name  itself  has  be 
come  a  misnomer.  The  Bureau  of  Navigation  is  now 
the  office  of  detail  and  nothing  more.  In  fact,  this 
change  began  immediately  on  Admiral  Davis's  relief  in 
1865,  and  the  bureau  has  never  had  a  scientific  chief 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  285 

since.  A  book  modeled  somewhat  on  the  British  "  Ad 
miralty  Manual  of  Scientific  Inquiry,"  to  which  much 
eminent  talent  had  contributed,  and  which  was  intended 
by  Davis  as  an  incentive  and  guide  to  officers  of  the 
navy  in  the  employment  of  leisure  time  on  foreign 
cruises,  was  suppressed  by  a  successor,  not  because  of 
any  pretended  judgment  on  the  merits  of  the  book 
itself  or  its  object,  but  as  an  act  of  personal  hostility 
toward  its  author.  The  whole  history  of  the  Bureau  of 
Navigation  affords  an  illustration  of  the  makeshift 
methods,  instability  of  purpose,  and  caprice,  which  take 
the  place  of  knowledge,  experience,  custom,  system,  and 
a  defined  policy,  in  naval  administration;  and  Davis' s 
connection  with  it  exemplifies  the  futility  which  often 
attends  individual  effort,  no  matter  how  well  directed, 
under  such  a  system. 

Davis  remained  in  the  Navy  Department  from  No 
vember,  1862,  until  April,  1865.  Besides  his  duties 
in  the  bureau,  he  was,  by  request  of  the  board,  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Lighthouse  Board ;  he  still  continued  to 
serve  on  harbor  commissions;  he  served  on  a  board  on 
plans  and  designs  for  new  vessels;  as  member  of  a  board 
on  parole  of  prisoners ;  of  a  board  on  steam  expansion, 
then  before  the  invention  of  the  compound  engine,  a 
much-vexed  question ;  and  he  was,  ex  officio,  a  member 
of  the  permanent  board  of  bureau  chiefs  which  acted  in 
an  advisory  capacity  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He 
was  also  associated  with  Professors  Henry  and  Bache 
as  a  member  of  a  permanent  commission  to  which  were 
referred  all  questions  of  science  and  art  upon  which  the 
department  might  require  advice,  with  power  to  call  in 


286  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

associates  to  aid  in  its  investigations  and  inquiries. 
This  commission  was  no  sinecure,  and  was  constantly  in 
session,  for  it  was  at  this  time  that  mechanical  and 
scientific  ingenuity  was  beginning  to  be  felt  in  applica 
tion  to  naval  construction  and  equipment,  and  to  this 
commission  were  referred  the  innumerable  plans  and 
proposals  for  new  inventions  and  devices  with  which 
the  government  at  Washington  was  flooded.  This 
commission  is  interesting  because  it  led  to  the  establish 
ment  of  the  National  Academy  of  Sciences,  as  will  be 
seen  by  the  letters  which  follow. 

The  vote  of  thanks  for  the  victories  of  Fort  Pillow 
and  Memphis  was  signed  by  the  President  on  February 
7,  1863,  and  this  act  made  Davis  a  rear  admiral,  his 
commission  bearing  the  same  date.  The  rear  admirals 
so  far  created  under  the  law  of  July,  1862,  were  Farra- 
gut,  Goldsborough,  Du  Pont,  Foote,  Davis,  and  Dahl- 
gren,  in  the  order  named.  Davis  subsequently  received 
the  thanks  of  his  native  state  in  a  resolution  of  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts. 

As  long  as  Davis  remained  at  the  head  of  the  bureau 
he  continued  to  live  alone  in  Washington,  while  his 
family  remained  in  Cambridge.  He  wrote  home  almost 
every  day ;  but  his  letters,  like  those  written  in  1861, 
were  often  too  personal  for  publication.  In  his  com 
ments  on  passing  events,  the  personal  allusions  are  ne 
cessarily  suppressed  in  the  following  extracts,  except  in 
some  cases  where  historical  interest  and  the  public  nature 
of  the  event  itself  seems  to  justify  personal  comment :  — 

November  27,  1862.  I  am  in  many  instances  struck  with 
the  arbitrary  impulse,  or  caprice,  which  has  so  much  to  do 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  287 

with  the  administration  of  the  department,  and  which  seems 
to  be  so  regardless  of  rule  or  system.  This  bureau  was  ex 
pressly  founded,  or  established,  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
charge  of  the  academy,  together  with  the  observatory,  "  Nau 
tical  Almanac,"  etc.  The  department  asked  the  naval  com 
mittees  to  create  the  bureau  for  this  purpose.  And  the 
academy  is  taken  away l  from  it,  without  explanation,  after 
the  bureau  is  created.  It  is  fortunate  that  I  don't  care  for 
these  things ;  that  I  feel  a  real  indifference  to  them,  to  which 
indifference  I  school  myself  every  day  and  night  of  my  life 
by  reflection  and  study,  —  otherwise  I  should  be  rendered 
uncomfortable  by  these  caprices  of  a  power  which  pays  no 
respect  to  the  claims  of  service. 

But  I  must  confess  that  no  reflection  or  philosophy  can 
guard  me  from  the  uneasiness  and  sense  of  insecurity  to  which 
the  repeated  exercise  of  this  capriciousness  gives  rise.  The 
habitual  indulgence  of  caprice  has  the  same  effect  as  the  want 
of  principle. 

November  28th.  I  hear  General  McClellan  spoken  of  by 
some  of  my  associates  in  Washington  differently  from  what 
we  have  been  accustomed  to  hear  in  Cambridge.  An  army 
officer  whom  I  have  always  regarded  as  his  friend,  and  who 
I  believe  is  so  at  this  moment,  said  to  me  yesterday  that 
McClellan  is  a  thorough  student  of  military  science  and  art, 
and  intimately  acquainted  with  the  history  of  war,  ancient 
and  modern  ;  but  is,  on  account  of  his  very  study  and  infor 
mation,  wanting  in  promptness  and  decision.  Battles  have  been 
lost  and  won  in  so  many  different  ways,  and  through  such  a 
variety  of  accidents,  that  an  ingenious  and  well-read  man, 
when  he  has  made  a  plan  of  battle,  can  discover  the  means  of 
defeating  it,  and  confirm  his  apprehensions  by  examples  from 
history.  "McClellan's  very  knowledge,"  said  my  friend, 
"  disqualifies  him  for  action,  for  he  is  deficient  in  the  original 
genius  which  makes  the  native-born  soldier.  This  defeat  of 
1  It  was  subsequently  restored  during  Davis's  tenure. 


288  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

action  arising  from  too  curious  a  contemplation  of  the  event 
is  more  common  in  military  than  civil  life,  owing  to  the  more 
critical  nature  of  the  case  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter." 
Not  having  any  opinion  of  my  own  on  the  subject  I  am 
obliged  to  go  by  the  opinions  of  others. 

November  30th.  Last  night  I  went  to  Bache's,  to  the 
club,  and  took  Captain  Lesoffsky1  with  me.  Mr.  Henry, 
General  Meigs,  General  Casey,  Mr.  Bache,  and  one  or  two 
others  are  valuable  companions  ;  but  this  club  is  not  like  ours 
at  Cambridge.  It  has  its  exceptions. 

I  was  struck  with  what  Captain  Lesoffsky  said  to  Bache 
last  night  about  my  appearance  on  the  Mississippi.  I  am  sure 
I  must  have  looked  sick  and  pale,  and  must  have  shown  signs 
of  weakness  that  I  was  not  conscious  of.  He  has  spoken 
repeatedly  of  the  change  in  my  appearance.  Yet  I  had  no 
idea  of  giving  up.  I  am  glad  of  it.  I  wanted  to  come  home ; 
had  no  pleasure  whatever,  on  the  contrary  only  pain,  in  re 
maining  out  there.  But  I  saw  my  duty  clearly. 

I  have  said  in  one  of  my  preceding  notes  that  I  had  some 
thing  more  to  tell  you,  and  the  last  sentence  I  just  wrote 
reminds  me  of  it  in  this  way,  that  I  have  wondered  whether, 
if  I  had  been  situated  as  Captain  Missroon  was  in  York  River 
(which  I  will  presently  describe  to  you),  I  should  have  come 
up  to  the  mark.  The  story  is  this  :  When  the  siege  of 
Yorktown  began,  Missroon  commanded  a  small  detachment 
of  good-sized  and  heavy-armed  vessels  in  York  River.  He 
was  solicited,  urged,  and  ordered,  by  General  McClellan,  the 
President,  and  the  department  to  run  by  the  batteries  at 
Yorktown  and  Gloucester  Point.  He  could  not  be  persuaded 
to  do  it.  He  said  that  there  were  fifty-odd  guns  mounted  on 
the  two  sides,  and  it  was  impossible  to  get  the  vessels  by. 
When  Yorktown  was  taken,  it  was  found  that  there  were  only 
four  thirty-two-pounder  guns  commanding  the  channel.  If 
Captain  Missroon  had  gone  by,  the  siege  of  Yorktown  and 
1  Russian  naval  attache. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  289 

its  delay  and  expense  would  have  been  saved ;  the  enemy's 
left  flank  would  have  been  turned,  and  he  would  have  been 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  driven  either  into  a  flight  or  a 
surrender ;  Richmond  would  have  been  captured ;  and  five 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  would  have  been  spared  to  the 
country.  This  is  the  way  I  hear  the  case  stated  by  Mr.  Fox 
and  others.  Missroon  got  sick  a  second  time  (he  had  done 
the  same  thing  when  in  Du  Font's  squadron),  and  was  re 
lieved  and  went  home.  To  make  the  matter  worse,  much, 
very  much  worse,  batteries  of  far  greater  strength  had  been 
encountered  and  passed  by  Du  Font's  and  Farragut's  squad 
rons  in  wooden  ships. 

If  Captain  Missroon  had  passed  these  batteries,  —  and  it 
now  appears  that  he  might  have  done  so  with  slight  if  any 
loss,  —  he  would  have  been  made  an  admiral.  He  enjoyed 
a  high  reputation  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  very  high, 
especially  as  a  fighting  man.  He  had  earned  it  in  part  by 
earnest  and  clever  talking  on  that  subject.  A  great  deal  was 
expected  from  him  ;  his  opinions  were  quoted  as  authority ; 
and  the  department,  having  confidence  in  his  judgment  and 
activity,  had  placed  him  in  a  situation  of  danger  and  respon 
sibility,  and  told  him  to  go  ahead.  Just  before  he  left  Port 
Royal  to  come  home,  Du  Pont,  who  had  sailed  a  cruise  with 
him  in  1837—40  or  thereabouts,  and  had  always  remained  a 
correspondent  and  particular  friend  of  his,  said  to  me,  "  Have 
we  been  mistaken  in  this  gentleman  so  many  years  ?  "  To 
which  I  answered,  "  Don't  say  we,  Frank ; "  for  I  had  sailed 
with  him  previous  to  this,  in  1834-35,  when  we  were  mess 
mates,  and  had  not  formed  so  high  an  estimate  of  his  nature 
as  Du  Pont  had  done.  He  had  been  less  cautious  with  me, 
and  had  no  doubt  improved  before  he  became  Du  Pont's 
messmate. 

February  2,  1863.  How  much  have  I  told  you,  if  any 
thing,  about  a  Permanent  Commission  or  Academy  ?  Bache, 
Henry,  and  myself  are  very  busy  on  this  topic,  and  have 


290  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

made  a  move  which  will  no  doubt  result  in  the  Permanent 
Commission.  The  Academy  is  more  doubtful. 

February  20th.  Inclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  order  creating 
the  Permanent  Commission.  But  the  Academy  is  to  be 
introduced  into  Congress  by  Mr.  Wilson.1  The  whole  plan 
of  it  was  arranged  last  night  between  Mr.  Wilson,  Agassiz, 
Bache,  and  Ben  [Professor  Peirce].  It  was  my  plan  ampli 
fied  and  improved. 

February  24th.  I  told  you  a  word  about  the  Academy  in 
one  of  my  notes,  but  only  a  word,  being  in  a  hurry.  The 
appointment  of  a  Permanent  Commission  was  suggested  to  me 
by  one  of  my  letters,  which  quoted  a  passage  from  the  British 
War  Office  which  spoke  of  a  Select  Commission ;  and  when 
I  mentioned  it  to  Bache  and  Henry  they  acquiesced,  and  the 
latter  presented  the  plan  to  the  department.  You  saw,  by 
the  copy  of  the  Secretary's  letter  to  me,  that  our  plan  was 
accepted  without  any  change  whatever.  We  had  hardly  got 
through  this  thing  before  the  idea  flashed  upon  my  mind  that 
the  whole  plan,  so  long  entertained,  of  the  Academy  could  be 
successfully  carried  out  if  an  act  of  incorporation  were  boldly 
asked  for  in  the  name  of  some  of  the  leading  men  of  science 
from  different  parts  of  the  country.  This  I  submitted  to 
Bache  and  Henry  with  details,  but  the  view  was  not  imme 
diately  adopted.  The  next  step  was  Agassiz  coming  to 
Washington  as  one  of  the  regents  of  the  Smithsonian  Insti 
tution.  Then  followed  a  visit  to  Agassiz  by  Senator  Wilson, 
who  had  nominated  him  to  the  regency.  At  this  meeting, 
which  took  place  at  Bache's,  Ben,  Bache,  and  Dr.  Gould 
were  present;  and  it  was  there  that  the  mode  of  proceeding 
was  devised.  Mr.  Wilson  introduced  the  bill  last  Saturday. 

February  27th.    I  was  just  called  into  the  Secretary's  room 

to  consult  about  Stevens's  battery,  and  you  will  be  amused  to 

hear  that  it  is  now  proposed  to  carry  into  execution  the  plan 

of  the  much-abused  report  of  the  commission  of  which  I  was 

1  Henry  Wilson,  senator  from  Massachusetts. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  291 

chairman,  —  a  report  that  was  laughed  at  at  the  time  in  the 
papers  and  by  the  department.  Thus  the  whirligig  of  time 
brings  about  his  revenges. 

I  am  looking  for  Agassiz  to  come  here  and  be  introduced 
to  Admiral  Foote,  and  then  to  go  with  me  to  the  Capitol  to 
see  Mr.  Grimes  about  the  Academy  bill.  I  go  to  the  Presi 
dent's  once  more,  and  I  hope  for  the  last  time,  this  morning. 

The  dinner  at  Bache's  was  particularly  pleasant,  even  for 
the  chief's  entertainments,  which  never  fail  to  be  agreeable. 
Judge  Loring,  Mr.  Hosford,  and  Mr.  Hilgard  were  there. 

I  have  thought  a  good  deal  of  what  you  say  in  your  last 
note  of  the  vanity  which  leads  us  to  pursue  with  so  much 
ardor  those  honors  and  advantages  which  we  are  to  enjoy  for 
so  short  a  time.  Poor  Woodhull's  sudden  death  ;  the  impres 
sion  left  upon  my  mind  by  seeing  him  placed  in  the  tomb,  by 
thinking  of  the  tale,  full  of  sound  and  fury,  signifying  nothing, 
now  told;  by  looking  after  this  existence  of  his,  already 
become  evanescent  and  shadowy ;  the  meditations  of  serious 
hours  and  of  advancing  age,  all  come  to  enforce  your  reflection 
and  give  it  unusual  weight.  On  the  other  hand,  we  are  not 
the  less  to  exert  ourselves  in  our  spheres  of  duty,  but  the  more 
even,  on  account  of  the  transient  nature  of  our  lives  and  our 
possessions.  We  can  always,  such  hypocrites  are  we  to  our 
own  consciences,  find  some  excuses  for  our  own  pursuits,  while 
we  admit  the  truth  of  the  general  principle  or  sentiment  they 
violate.  In  my  own  case  I  excuse  myself  for  caring  so  much 
for  my  promotion  because  promotion  brings  with  it  repose.  I 
feel  as  if  I  had  reached  a  bed  which,  "  longing,  I  had  been  sick 
for."  Besides  this,  it  is  the  exponent  of  success,  and  success 
implies  a  certain  merit,  according  to  Baxter :  "  For  there  is 
most  of  the  heart  where  there  is  most  of  the  will ;  and  there 
is  most  of  the  will  where  there  is  most  endeavor ;  and  where 
there  is  most  endeavor  there  is  generally  most  success ;  so 
that  endeavor  must  prove  the  truth  of  our  desire,  and  success 
will  generally  prove  the  sincerity  of  our  endeavor." 


292  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

I  suppose  the  test  of  my  humility  would  be  my  willingness 
to  lay  down  my  naval  rank,  my  bureau,  and  the  various 
boards,  commissions,  and  societies  of  which  I  am  a  member, 
and  to  retire  into  the  most  profound  obscurity  of  private  life. 
Am  I  ready  ? 

March  7th.  Mr.  Schaeffer,  a  savan  in  one  of  the  depart 
ments,  came  into  my  office  this  morning  to  tell  me  where  the 
club  is  to  meet  to-night ;  and  he  flew  out  against  the  Academy 
in  good,  set  terms.  If  the  plan  we  first  pitched  upon  had 
been  followed,  that  of  creating  the  Academy  with  a  dozen  or 
twenty  members,  and  allowing  them  to  organize  and  fill  up 
the  whole  number  by  usual  system  of  ballot,  then  the  odium 
of  exclusion  would  have  been  divided  and  distributed.  .  .  . 
You  will  perceive  at  once  that,  on  the  plan  I  proposed,  not 
only  would  the  odium  (if  any)  of  exclusion  be  numerously 
shared,  but  a  wider  and  broader  opinion  and  control  would 
have  been  brought  to  bear  on  selection,  which  would  then 
have  become  election.  And  this  was  due  to  the  interests  of 
the  government  and  to  the  claims  of  men  of  science. 

April  12th.  What  a  different  meaning  life  and  death 
have  to  us  now  at  this  terrible  period  of  civil  war,  and  in  the 
ordinary  times  of  peace  and  quiet !  I  think  more  of  death 
because  life  has  now  a  new  value  derived  from  the  possibility 
of  being  serviceable  to  the  country.  Oh  my  country,  my 
country  !  how  my  heart  aches  and  all  the  pleasure  of  life  is 
taken  away  by  its  distress !  It  grieves  me  so,  beyond  the 
utmost  power  of  endurance,  to  hear  some  of  my  friends  speak 
of  its  government  and  its  institutions  as  failures.  ...  It  is 
well  enough  for  our  born  enemies,  like  the  English,  whose 
business  and  duty  and  interest  and  honor  and  pleasure  it  is 
to  hate  and  vilify  us,  and  to  think  of  us  the  evil  they  wish 
may  befall  us,  —  it  is  well  enough  for  them  to  indulge  in  the 
prospect  of  our  decline,  either,  as  some  of  the  English  noble 
men  have  done,  with  the  zealous  joy  of  malice,  or  as  the  Eng 
lish  student  may  do,  who  honors  the  Queen,  and  consequently 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  293 

hates  or  despises  the  people  of  all  other  nations  with  the 
quiet  and  egotistical  satisfaction  of  a  philosopher.  But  for 
an  American  to  take  delight  in  prognosticating  the  ruin  of 
the  country,  who  at  this  moment  when  so  many  men,  women, 
and  children  are  undergoing  the  pains  of  death,  or  pains 
worse  than  death,  in  the  service  and  cause  of  her  preserva 
tion,  is  himself  enjoying  a  perfect  exemption  from  all  the 
horrors  of  civil  war,  is  an  exhibition,  at  least,  of  the  want  of 
a  spirit  of  good-fellowship  and  manliness,  a  want  of  that 
gallantry  which  would  lead  one  who  possessed  the  qualities 
of  a  man  to  speak  cheerily  and  encouragingly  and  bravely 
in  the  greatest  of  all  contests,  the  contest  for  the  life  and 
existence  of  our  common  mother,  our  country.  The  man  who 
is  deficient  in  patriotism  must  be  deficient  in  all  the  generous 
virtues,  though  he  may  possess  those  that  are  the  results  of 
prudence  and  worldly  discretion. 

May  30th.  Foote  came  to  me  again  this  morning,  and  told 
me  that  I  might  take  his  rooms  on  Monday.  I  knew,  of 
course,  from  his  previous  manner  and  conversation,  that  he 
was  going  away,  and  that  he  was  going  to  relieve  Du  Pont 
appeared  most  probable.  Several  other  indications  led  to  the 
opinion,  some  time  ago,  that  things  were  all  awry  in  Du 
Font's  case  ;  and  I  conferred  with  Bache,  Henry,  and  Bridge 1 
in  vain,  and  cudgeled  my  brains  in  vain,  to  find  some  ground 
on  which  to  plant  myself  in  taking  up  his  difference  and 
urging  his  being  kept  in  command.  But  when  Foote  in 
formed  me  this  morning  that  he  was  going  to  New  York 
to-morrow  night,  I  saw  that  the  affair  had  already  reached,  if 
it  had  not  passed,  its  crisis,  and  that  I  must  speak  at  once,  or 
forever  after  hold  my  peace. 

June  23d.     Poor  Foote  seems  to  linger  along  more  vitally 

than  was  expected.     The  account  given  of  him  by  Dr.  Whe- 

lan  has  taken  away  all  hopes  of  his  final  recovery.     At  first 

I  was  not  prepared  to  give  this  hope  up,  he  had  been  so  often 

1  Paymaster-General  Horatio  Bridge. 


294  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

prostrated  by  sudden  and  violent  attacks  of  disease,  which 
were  paroxysmal  in  their  nature  and  appearance. 

All  his  life  he  has  been  more  or  less  of  a  valetudinarian, 
though  always  active  both  in  mind  and  body.  He  was  always 
devoted  to  some  popular  and  prevailing  remedy  of  the  day. 
Hydropathy  was,  at  one  time,  his  pursuit  almost.  At  another 
time  his  eyes  troubled  him,  and  the  treatment  and  care  of 
them  absorbed  his  time  and  thoughts.  The  Maine  Liquor 
Law  was  also  a  hobby.  It  was  characteristic  of  his  mind  that, 
when  his  attention  was  once  turned  to  a  thing,  he  never 
relaxed  his  zeal  or  his  efforts  till  the  object  was  attained. 
This  constancy  of  purpose,  combined  with  observation,  activity, 
and  a  sincere  desire  to  be  useful,  assisted  by  the  judgment 
and  energies  proceeding  from  good  natural  abilities  suffi 
ciently  well  trained,  and,  above  all,  strengthened  and  en 
lightened  by  a  devout  dependence  on  God  and  the  best  influ 
ences  of  a  religious  spirit,  had  carried  him  through  some 
arduous  undertakings  in  the  course  of  his  professional  life 
before  he  went  to  the  Mississippi.  The  earnest  convictions 
of  his  piety  manifested  themselves  in  his  outward  demeanor, 
and  never  failed  to  create  an  affectionate  respect  and  a  real 
admiration.  They  gave  an  heroic  stamp  to  his  character  by 
inspiring  him  with  the  strong  persuasion  felt  by  St.  Paul,  "  I 
can  do  all  things,  God  helping  me."  His  career  in  the  ser 
vice  has  been  a  very  marked  one  from  the  beginning,  and 
would  have  been  long  remembered,  even  without  the  distinc 
tions  of  the  war.  Foote  was  an  affectionate  friend,  and  con 
stant  in  his  friendship  as  in  all  other  things.  The  intimacy 
we  formed  in  the  frigate  United  States  was  never  broken  or 
interrupted.  However  long  our  separations  might  be,  we 
resumed  our  old  connection  and  relation  as  soon  as  we  came 
together  again.  And  he  was  not  only  a  faithful  but  a  wise 
and  judicious  friend,  —  a  true  friend  in  the  highest  and  best 
meaning  of  the  much-abused  word;  speaking  frankly  and 
boldly,  without  reserve  and  without  disguise,  when  there  was 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  295 

a  necessity  for  it,  and  sparing  no  pains  to  serve  a  friend  when 
an  opportunity  offered.  He  understood  and  acknowledged 
the  duties  of  friendship,  and  performed  them,  as  he  did  all 
other  duties,  conscientiously.  No  man  surpassed  him  in  zeal 
and  earnest  devotion  to  the  great  cause  in  which  we  are 
engaged.  His  life  and  its  best  efforts  belonged  to  his  coun 
try,  and  all  the  ends  he  aimed  at  were  so  patriotic,  religious, 
and  true  that  he  entirely  fulfilled  the  injunction  of  Wolsey 
to  Cromwell.  His  death  will  be  a  sad  loss  to  the  country  at 
this  time,  and  will  be  so  regarded. 

I  look  back  with  the  deepest  interest  and  feeling  to  the 
time  when  we  sat  apart  from  the  other  midshipmen,  in  the 
steerage  of  the  United  States,  and  studied  for  our  examina 
tions,  without  book,  teacher,  or  guide  in  the  most  important 
part  of  our  studies,  practical  seamanship,  and  the  working  of 
ships.  We  made  a  manuscript  book  of  these  subjects.  I 
often  reflect  upon  this  passage  of  our  lives  with  pleasure, 
because  it  showed  intellect,  energy,  and  a  well-directed  am 
bition.  The  examinations  were  then  brand-new.  I  should 
regard  a  similar  sight  to-day  with  interest  and  pleasure. 
Forty  years  of  friendship !  How  long  a  period !  And  yet 
the  separation  comes  before  the  allotted  time  of  life  has  ex 
pired,  while  there  still  might  be  many  more  years  of  employ 
ment  without  unduly  lengthening  the  span.  God's  will  be 
done.  Foote  is  happy  in  his  death.  God  grant  to  me,  also, 
in  his  infinite  mercy,  an  honorable  and  timely  death. 

June  26th.  I  send  you  to-day  an  "  Intelligencer  "  contain 
ing  the  Secretary's  letter  to  John  Kodgers,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  recent  engagement,  the  most  remarkable  of  the  war. 
Nothing  not  immediately  or  nearly  concerning  myself  could 
have  given  me  so  much  real  satisfaction  and  pleasure.  He  is 
the  most  accomplished  and  the  best-instructed  officer  in  the 
navy  ;  and  no  one,  in  the  navy  or  out  of  it,  officer  or  citizen, 
surpasses  him,  or  has  ever  surpassed  him,  in  courage,  loyalty, 
zeal,  promptness,  energy,  activity,  fidelity,  and,  lastly,  in  skill. 


296  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

He  has  not  been  well  treated  by  the  department ;  his  services, 
and  the  cheerfulness  and  modesty  with  which  he  performed 
them,  have  not  been  appreciated  and  properly  estimated.  I 
thank  God  that  his  patience  and  unselfishness  have  been 
rewarded  at  last.  It  is  curious  to  see  how  the  whirligig  of 
Time  brings  about  his  revenges.  It  was  once,  or  rather,  to 
borrow  a  phrase  from  Mr.  Chose,  "  the  cry  went  once  "  on 
Dahlgren  and  his  eleven-inch,  and  at  that  time  John  Rodgers 
was  at  a  discount.  When  Rodman's  fifteen-inch  gun  was 
introduced,  Dahlgren  pronounced  against  it,  and  refused  to 
bear,  or  rather  demanded  to  be  openly  acquitted  of,  any 
responsibility  concerning  it.  Fox  decided  against  his  dictum, 
and  himself,  on  his  own  authority  and  charge,  took  the  matter 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Bureau  of  Ordnance.  The  recent 
attack  on  Fort  Sumter  was  a  disappointment  to  Fox,  on  ac 
count  of  guns  and  monitors  both.  But  this  fight  of  Rodgers's, 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  naval  history,  destined  to  be  a 
great  exemplar  and  to  be  constantly  cited  forever,  completely 
justified  Fox's  bold  determination  in  behalf  of  guns  and  ves 
sels  ;  and  Rodgers,  who  was  the  chief  actor  in  the  drama,  is 
now  the  hero  and  pet,  and  the  former  magnus  Apollo  is  cast 
down  from  his  pedestal. 

WEEHAWKEN,  PORT  ROYAL, 

June  25,  1863. 

DEAR  DAVIS,  —  You  will  have  heard  of  my  good  luck  in 
meeting  the  Atlanta,  which  her  officers  and  the  Southern 
Confederacy  were  confident  could  take  not  only  two  monitors, 
but,  if  need  were,  half  a  dozen  of  them.  She  came  down  in 
the  gray  of  the  morning,  and,  as  the  Isendega  gunboat  had 
been  reconnoitring  us  for  two  days,  I  had  no  idea  that  the 
Atlanta  would  try  her  strength  against  the  NaJiant  and 
Weehawken,  for  I  knew  that  they  were  cognizant  of  two 
monitors.  She  came  down  boldly,  and  with  prudent  fore 
thought  had  provided  two  vessels  to  tow  Downes  and  myself 
to  Savannah ;  and,  as  beauty  loves  to  smile  on  valor,  they  had 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  297 

arranged,  we  hear,  for  a  grand  ball  to  honor  our  coming. 
"  L'homme  propose  et  Dieu  dispose."  We  were  actually 
surprised  at  their  coming,  but  soon  shifted  that  emotion  onto 
their  shoulders.  The  fifteen-inch,  which  was  fired  first,  struck 
the  Atlanta  obliquely  upon  the  centre  of  the  casemate,  and, 
without  penetrating  in  its  own  proper  person,  sent  in  iron 
fragments  and  about  two  barrelfuls  of  wooden  splinters, 
wounding  a  good  many  people  and  prostrating  about  forty  or 
fifty  men.  They  say  the  whole  file  of  marines  fell  flat  as 
pancakes  from  the  concussion.  Lieutenant  Barbot  (formerly 
of  our  service)  fell  on  the  deck  and  remained  some  minutes 
unconscious,  simply  from  the  concussion.  He  said  that  the 
stunning  sensation  was  in  the  pit  of  the  stomach,  where,  I 
believe,  some  of  the  ancients  placed  the  seat  of  the  soul. 

This  fifteen-inch  shot  was  fired  singly,  and  I  saw  it  strike ; 
so  the  effect  was,  I  know,  due  to  this  and  not  to  the  eleven. 
Afterwards  the  guns  were  fired  in  pairs,  and  I  cannot  sepa 
rate  them.  This  shot  took  out  all  their  wish  to  fight,  and  the 
pilot  said  the  bell  was  rung  to  go  ahead,  to  run  back,  when  a 
second  shot  struck  the  top  of  the  pilot-house,  blocked  up  the 
scuttle,  and  prevented  access  to  it.  They  ran  aground  and 
hoisted  the  white  flag.  We  fired  two  shots  after  the  white 
flag  was  up,  for  we  had  not  anticipated  such  quick  results ; 
and  from  smoke  in  the  air,  or  from  some  peculiar  reflection 
from  the  water  upon  it,  I  thought  it  was  a  blue  flag.  So  the 
Atlanta  was  taken  with  three  shots. 

Downes  was  exceedingly  mortified  that  he  did  not  get  a 
shot.  He  intended  to  run  close  alongside  and  deliver  his  fire 
yardarm  and  yardarm.  I,  less  ambitious  and  more  modest, 
was  willing  to  take  such  opening  as  I  could  get.  Downes 
now  declares  he  will  fire  next  time  at  two  miles7  distance. 
The  Confederate  officers  said  that  they  had  nothing  so  strong 
as  the  Atlanta.  Webb  told  me,  or  some  one  else,  I  forget 
which,  that  such  guns  as  those  of  the  Atlanta  had  been  shot 
through  nine  inches  of  iron,  and  then  ten  feet  into  a  solid 


298  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

bank  of  earth  behind  the  iron.     As  we  were  untouched,  we 
cannot  say  anything  about  the  power  of  her  guns.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  RODGERS. 

June  27th.  The  news  of  poor  Footers  death  is  in  the  papers 
this  morning.  It  makes  me  sad,  though  hourly  looked  for. 
His  perfect  repose,  at  this  time,  has  in  it  something  to  be 
envied.  Some  capable  person  ought  to  sum  up  his  services 
and  make  a  sketch  of  his  works  and  character,  while  the 
memory  of  his  death  "be  still  green."  How  secure  he  is, 
now  and  henceforward,  against  the  evils  still  threatening  us 
who  remain  behind !  "  Nothing  can  touch  him  further," 
while  we  are  yet  trembling  for  the  future.  I  shall  always 
think  with  great  pleasure  of  that  last  Saturday  evening  I 
passed  with  him,  which  was  in  some  measure  the  renewal  of 
our  youthful  associations.  This  was  but  one  month  ago,  — 
"  a  little  month,  —  within  a  month !  " 

The  Secretary  is  preparing  a  general  order  for  the  occasion. 
His  early  connection  with  Foote  gives  a  tender  and  almost 
romantic  interest  to  this  event,  so  solemn  and  important  on 
many  other  accounts.  You  perceive  that  my  mind  runs  upon 
this  subject  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others.  I  should  take  a 
melancholy  pleasure  in  attending  his  funeral.1 

July  8th.  In  the  midst  of  this  exciting  news  [Gettys 
burg],  it  seems  strange  that  one  should  think  or  speak  of 
anything  but  the  country  and  the  happy  prospects  of  return 
ing  peace.  Much  remains,  to  be  sure,  to  be  done ;  but  we 
may  well  thank  God  for  this  most  happy  promise.  So  pas 
sionately  is  my  heart  devoted  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  national  integrity,  that  all  else 
seems  insignificant.  It  is  an  occasion  for  heartfelt  joy  that 
we  are  not  to  be  humiliated  by  any  further  demonstrations  of 

1  The  wish  was  fulfilled.  Admiral  Davis  represented  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  in  Foote's  funeral  at  New  Haven. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  299 

the  scorn  and  malignant  hate  of  the  aristocracy  of  England, 
which  will  be  civil  enough  if  we  are  to  be  ourselves  mighty 
and  to  be  feared.  The  capture  of  the  Atlanta,  the  defeat  of 
Lee,  the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  the  undoubted  surrender  of  Port 
Hudson  in  a  few  days,  and  the  very  serious  trouble  in  North 
Carolina  looking  to  the  separation  of  that  State  from  the 
Confederacy  and  its  return  to  the  Union,  are  most  important 
facts  bearing  upon  the  present  condition  and  future  state  of 
the  nation. 

I  have  never  in  my  life  experienced  a  more  solemn  sense  of 
thankfulness  to  God,  and  of  dependence  on  his  infinite  good 
ness,  than  now.  But  one  week  ago  we  were  in  a  state  of 
doubt  and  apprehension  as  to  the  safety  of  the  great  cities, 
including  Washington ;  and  to-day  we  are  thinking  of  the 
cessation  of  the  war.  There  is  much  yet  to  be  done,  espe 
cially  by  General  Meade  here  and  by  Generals  Grant  and 
Eosecrans  in  the  West.  The  opportunity  for  suppressing 
the  rebellion  is  not  lost  upon  the  government,  which  is,  I 
believe,  straining  every  nerve  to  secure  the  total  rout  and 
dispersion  of  Lee's  army. 

July  15th.  To-day  is  Commencement  Day,  and  Cambridge 
is  as  cheerful  and  gay  as  usual  on  this  day  of  festivity.  I 
should  like  to  be  there,  but  it  is  not  worth  while  to  wish. 
To-day  there  is  enough  to  fill  the  mind  with  the  New  York 
riots,  the  escape  of  Lee's  army,  and  the  good  news  from  the 
West.  The  last  are  very  promising,  and  look  very  much  as  if 
the  rebel  government  would  have  to  go  back  to  Montgomery. 
Richmond  is  projected  so  far  beyond  the  States  which  do  now, 
in  reality,  constitute  the  Confederacy,  that,  with  our  troops 
in  possession  of  Tennessee,  it  would  seem  impossible  for  the 
traitors  to  stay  there.  I  am  sorry  for  Lee's  escape,  but  not 
surprised;  we  had  no  proof  of  General  Meade's  military 
capacity ;  and  the  position  of  the  army,  to  which  its  late  suc 
cess  at  Gettysburg  was  owing,  was  taken  up  before  General 
Meade  came  upon  the  ground. 


300  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

There  are  two  reflections  which  arise :  one  is,  that  it  will  be 
much  better  in  the  end  that  the  rebels  should  have  employed 
all  their  means,  opportunities,  resources,  and  time  before  the 
war  closes,  that  they  may  be  too  well  and  thoroughly  chastised 
to  undertake  it  again ;  the  other  is,  that  the  question  of  negro 
slavery  ought  to  be  further  advanced  towards  its  ultimate 
and  only  settlement  —  emancipation  —  before  we  lay  down 
our  own  arms,  or  stop  the  military  organization  of  the  ne 
groes. 

August  19th.  I  passed  an  hour  yesterday  morning  read 
ing  the  correspondence  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  during  the  summer  of  1862,  which  has  brought  more 
home  to  me  than  ever  the  position  assumed  toward  us  in  this 
war  by  the  higher  classes  of  Englishmen. 

The  passionate  desire  to  see  our  nationality  destroyed,  and 
our  prosperity  ruined,  presents  a  spectacle  of  human  frailty 
not  exceeded  by  anything  related  by  Gibbon.  The  envy, 
hatred,  malice,  and  all  uncharitableness  from  which  this  desire 
springs  manifest  and  comprise  as  great  a  corruption  of  the 
heart  as  the  profligacy  and  debauchery  of  the  worst  period  of 
the  decline  of  the  Roman  Empire.  A  member  stands  up  in 
the  British  House  of  Commons  and  boasts  of  his  infamy.  He 
boasts  that  he  is  a  pirate,  and  endeavors  to  justify  himself  by 
a  lie,  and  both  the  boast  and  the  falsehood  contribute  to  his 
honor.  Such  is  the  state  of  the  English  mind  toward  this 
country  that  now  hatred  of  America  and  of  Americans  is  a 
transmitted  instinct,  born  with  the  well-born  Englishman,  de 
veloped  in  the  nursery,  and  matured  in  the  drawing-room  and 
school-room.  What  an  all  but  incredible  consequence  and 
proof  of  this  hatred  is  the  same  Englishman's  becoming  an 
enthusiastic  friend  and  advocate  of  slavery,  who  for  fifty 
years  has  made  it  his  chief  merit  that  he  has  done  so  much 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade ! 

But  hate  is  a  bad  counselor,  as  they  cannot  fail,  one  day, 
to  discover. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  301 

During  the  autumn  of  1863  the  admiral  made  a  tour 
of  the  Great  Lakes,  with  other  members  of  the  board, 
on  business  connected  with  the  Lighthouse  Establish 
ment,  in  which  Mrs.  Davis  accompanied  him,  and  his 
letters  were  interrupted. 

October  13th.  A  curious  fact  was  mentioned  at  the  meet 
ing  of  the  Lighthouse  Board,  —  that  the  British  Admiralty 
was  in  the  habit  of  sending  their  charts,  as  published,  to  the 
Lighthouse  Board  and  Coast  Survey,  until  the  autumn  of 
'61,  when  this  practice  was  stopped,  and  that  it  had  just  been 
resumed  again.  This  is  interesting  as  showing  the  conviction 
of  the  English  people  that  our  nationality  was  irrevocably 
lost  in  the  autumn  of  '61,  and  that  this  conviction  was  in 
some  degree  weakened  by  the  events  of  the  past  summer. 

The  English  nation  has  studied  to  make  itself  hateful  in 
the  eyes  of  other  nations,  and  has  succeeded  to  a  charm.  I 
imagine  there  is  not  a  people  in  the  world  that  will  not  rejoice 
when  it  comes  their  turn  to  experience  the  misfortunes  that 
sooner  or  later  visit  every  country. 

December  13th.  I  put  in  this  envelope  some  verses  I 
should  read  aloud  to  you  if  you  were  by,  and  a  description  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  quite  cleverly  done,  though  evidently  written  as 
much  for  effect  as  for  truth's  sake.  Don't  show  them  to 

,  or  to  any  of  the  President's  dislikers.  You  may  be 

assured  that  in  future  times  Lincoln  will  be  regarded  as  the 
very  greatest  of  all  the  blessings  bestowed  on  this  country  in 
these  sad  times,  —  as  God-sent,  appointed  by  God,  like  the 
prophets  of  old,  to  do  his  work,  to  save  the  nation  and  re 
generate  the  people,  to  remove  the  curse  of  slavery,  and  to  set 
another  example  of  the  profound  wisdom  that  lies  hidden  and 
unrevealed  in  simplicity,  truthf ulness,  uprightness  before  God, 
humility,  conscientiousness,  even  when  unaccompanied  with 
great  talents  or  great  learning.  In  his  and  similar  examples 
consists  the  political  life  of  the  nation  and  its  safety,  —  the 
safety  of  our  republican  institutions. 


302  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

April  4,  1864.  Poor  Preble l  has  committed  another  mis 
take,  which  the  Secretary  seems  only  too  ready  to  turn  against 
him  to  justify  his  former  severity.  You  may  have  seen  that 
he  met  the  Florida  at  Funchal,  Madeira,  and  though  this 
was  a  neutral  port,  and  he  was  legally  justified  in  not  attack 
ing  her,  he  would  have  been  applauded  to  the  echo  if  he  had 
made  the  capture,  and  it  would  have  been  a  most  remarkable 
piece  of  good  luck  for  an  old-fashioned  sloop,  and  would  have 
secured  him  a  vote  of  thanks,  a  step  up  on  the  ladder  of  pro 
motion,  and  a  distinguished  reputation. 

There  might  have  been  some  little  diplomatic  powwow 
about  it,  but  the  rebels  are  not  recognized,  and,  if  they  were, 
are  not  in  a  situation  to  demand  redress  or  exact  it.  Our 
government  would  have  apologized,  and  Preble  would  have 
shifted  his  pennant  to  the  Florida.  As  it  is,  he  has  sailed, 
like  Sir  Andrew,  into  the  north  of  the  department's  opinion, 
where  he  will  hang  like  an  icicle  on  a  Dutchman's  beard, 
unless  he  redeems  himself  by  some  laudable  attempt  either  of 
valor  or .  policy.  .  .  .  He  admits  or  states,  with  the  most 
perfect  unconsciousness  of  his  error,  that  his  men  were  so 
eager  to  engage  the  Florida  that  he  drew  the  shot  from  his 
guns  to  prevent  their  firing  into  her,  confessing  that  he  did 
not  possess  the  perfect  command  of  his  own  ship,  and  obedi 
ence  and  subordination  of  his  men ;  and  that  he  disabled  his 
vessel  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  who  might  have  given 
him  a  broadside  with  impunity,  and  been  out  of  the  reach  of 
his  guns  before  he  could  have  shotted  them.  This  was  one 
of  those  very  rare  occasions  which  that  fickle  goddess,  For 
tune,  throws  in  an  individual's  way  in  the  mere  wantonness 
of  prodigality,  and  to  have  missed  improving  it  will  be  to 
Preble  a  perpetual  regret,  which  no  future  success  can  wholly 
obliterate.  And  the  worst  feature  of  the  case  is,  that  this 
Florida  is  the  same  vessel  (then  the  Oreto')  that  caused  him 
so  much  affliction  at  Mobile.  His  blood  hath  been  too  cold 
1  Commander  George  H.  Preble,  of  the  sloop  of  war  Jamestown. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  303 

and  temperate,  —  inapt  to  stir  at  these  indignities.  The 
piratical  character  of  the  Florida  is  now  so  well  established, 
and  so  generally  admitted,  that  the  probability  is  that  there 
would  not  have  been  even  a  remonstrance ;  and  if  his  own 
government  had  thought  it  necessary  to  find  fault  with  him, 
in  order  to  show  its  respect  for  the  law  of  nations,  its  censure 
would  have  been  a  mere  love-pat.  I  am  grieved  to  the  heart 
for  this  mistake.  If  Preble  had  been  endowed  with  a  little 
atom  of  that  spirit  which  led  Nelson  to  tack  without  orders 
at  St.  Vincent,  and  to  refuse  to  see  the  admiral's  signal  at 
Copenhagen,  he  would  have  gone  it  blind,  would  have  paid  up 
old  scores,  and  rid  the  ocean  of  a  pirate. 

May  7th.  Yesterday,  while  I  was  in  Fox's  office  talking 
on  business,  the  President  came  in,  and  seeing  that  he  inter 
rupted  us  he  said :  "  I  have  nothing  to  say,  I  did  not  come  in 
for  any  object ;  I  was  once  at  a  county  town,  during  the  ses 
sion  of  the  court,  where  there  were  a  great  many  lawyers 
present,  and  a  stranger,  —  a  countryman,  —  surprised  at  such 
a  crowd,  asked  what  it  meant,  and  if  all  these  lawyers  had 
business  there.  '  No,'  was  the  answer  ;  '  they  have  not  come 
to  court  because  they  have  any  business  here,  but  because 
they  have  no  business  anywhere  else.'  This,"  said  the 
President,  "  is  my  case.  I  have  nothing  to  do,  and  have  been 
over  to  Stanton's,  and  have  now  come  here.  The  fact  is,  I 
cannot  keep  still,  I  am  so  anxious  to  hear  something  about 
the  army."  He  then  asked  Fox  for  news.  We  are  told  this 
morning  that  there  was  fighting  all  day  Wednesday,  Thurs 
day,  and  on  Friday  morning,  since  which  there  has  been  no 
reliable  information.  There  are  many  rumors,  but  none  to 
be  trusted,  and  our  state  of  mind  is  the  most  anxious  pos 
sible. 

May  8th.  The  day  is  a  remarkably  fine  one  —  an  antici 
pation  of  summer,  with  the  heat  tempered  by  a  pleasant  wind 
westerly.  Throughout  the  war  the  days  of  the  greatest  care 
and  anxiety,  and  of  the  most  important  events,  have  been  Sun- 


304  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

days.  To-day  is  added  to  the  list.  "We  are  in  the  deepest 
suspense  to  know  the  issue  of  the  last  three  or  four  days' 
fighting.  There  is  something  in  the  morning  papers,  and 
there  are  rumors  —  when  is  war  without  its  rumors !  But 
there  is  nothing  definite.  The  impressions  and  reports  are 
favorable ;  the  government,  however,  is  very  reticent.  Under 
the  circumstances  this  silence  would  be  considered  unfavor 
ably.  There  are  two  facts  well  known  to  the  public  which 
prevent  this  apprehension  on  this  occasion.  One  is,  that  the 
President  knows  just  as  little  as  any  one  about  Grant's  move 
ments,  except  as  the  reports  come  in ;  and  as  these  reports 
are  telegraphic  the  newspaper  correspondents  may  know 
them  as  well  and  as  soon  as  the  authorities.  The  other  is 
that  the  line  of  communication  is  wholly  and  purposely 
severed.  The  President  said  the  other  day  in  Fox's  room 
that  Grant  had  got  on  the  wall  and  kicked  away  the  ladder 
—  like  Cortez  in  Mexico,  he  has  burnt  his  ships.  The  want 
of  information,  therefore,  proceeds  from  a  want  of  communi 
cation,  and  is  shared  by  the  President  in  common  with  others. 
Ammen  is  an  old  schoolmate  and  intimate  friend  of  Grant, 
and  has  been  very  recently,  if  he  is  not  now,  with  him  by 
special  invitation  ;  and  Ammen  told  me  that  Grant  had  said 
that  other  generals  have  sought  Lee,  but  that  he  should  give 
Lee  the  trouble  of  looking  after  him. 

There  are  certain  features  of  the  war  which  I  dwell  upon 
with  satisfaction,  not  as  relating  to  the  result  of  the  battle 
now  raging,  but  as  affecting  the  final  issue.  One  of  these 
features  is  the  manner  in  which  Lee  has  been  met.  He  has 
been  hitherto  fought  with  the  advantages  of  position,  intrench- 
ments,  and  defense  all  on  his  side ;  and  by  generals  confes 
sedly  his  inferiors,  whence  arises  the  impression  that  he  has 
a  better  army  and  does  not  make  mistakes.  And  yet  never 
did  a  general  or  his  advisers  commit  a  greater  blunder  than 
Lee  in  going  into  Pennsylvania,  —  so  military  men  said  at 
the  time,  —  and  his  army  was  entirely  overthrown  by  ours, 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  305 

the  advantage  of  position  being  on  our  side,  while  our  defen 
sive  stand  was  selected  only  forty-eight  hours  before  the 
battle,  and  was  not,  like  his  at  Fredericksburg,  deliberately 
prepared  against  assault  by  months  of  labor  spent  on  fortifi 
cations.  Thus  it  appears  that  our  army  is  better  than  his,  or 
at  least  as  good,  and  that  he  can  commit  the  grossest  blunders. 
I  say  the  grossest,  for  every  success  in  Pennsylvania  would 
have  carried  him  farther  from  his  resources,  and  more  and 
more  into  the  midst  of  the  thick  population  of  a  State  that 
never  knew  any  condition  but  that  of  civil  liberty,  that  ab 
horred  him  and  the  slaves  black  and  white  whom  he  led,  and 
would  have  risen  against  him  en  masse  ;  and  would  have  com 
pelled  him,  if  he  continued  to  advance,  to  leave  in  his  rear 
fortified  places.  And  finally,  he  would  have  subjected  him 
self,  in  his  retreat,  to  the  fate  of  Charles  after  his  unsuccess 
ful  invasion  of  France,  and  it  would  have  gone  hard  with  us 
but  some  one  should  have  arisen  who  would  better  the  instruc 
tion  afforded  by  that  lesson  in  history.  And  all  this  while 
the  chief  and  only  real  business  of  Lee  was  the  defense  of 
the  capital  of  the  usurped  government,  and  the  prudent  hus 
bandry  of  his  resources  both  of  material  and  men,  the  reduc 
tion  of  which  he  was  beginning  to  feel  sorely. 

Another  feature  of  the  existing  state  of  the  war  is  the  con 
dition  of  the  rebels  in  respect  to  their  men  and  material. 
There  is  a  simple  proposition,  which  is  stated  in  a  variety  of 
forms,  according  to  its  particular  application,  and  which 
enters,  in  one  of  these  forms,  into  the  common  proverbs  of 
the  language,  and  that  is,  "  People  cannot  have  their  cake 
and  eat  it."  The  rebel  government  at  Richmond  has  called 
out,  by  the  force  of  conscription,  all  the  men  between  sixteen 
and  sixty.  This  is  eating  their  cake,  and  the  cake  is  gone  — 
there  are  no  more  to  call  out.  .  .  .  The  third  general  feature 
of  the  war  is  the  sacred  constancy  of  the  Northern  mind  and 
heart  to  the  Union,  and  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  civil  and  per 
sonal.  I  think  that  I,  and  those  who  like  me  would  rather 


306  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

die  than  give  up  these  holy  trusts,  truly  represent  the  North, 
and  not  the  traitors,  not  the  indifferent  who  are  willing  to 
carry  fardels,  nor  the  mean  and  tame  natures  who,  for  the 
respect  of  a  long  life, 

"  would  bear  the  whips  and  scorns  of  time, 
The  oppressor's  wrong,  the  proud  man's  contumely." 

The  time  will  come  when  the  croakers,  and  the  timid,  and 
the  laggards,  of  all  of  whom  there  are,  thank  God  but  a  few, 
will  be  ashamed  of  themselves. 

There  is  another  general  feature  of  the  war  which  bears 
upon  the  present  as  well  as  the  future.  That  is  the  concen 
tration  of  the  forces  on  both  sides.  Not  only  have  the  rebels 
exhausted  their  population  by  conscription,  but  they  have 
brought  together  the  greater  part  of  their  means  from  every 
quarter,  and  have  shown  the  determination  of  the  desperate 
gambler  to  stake  their  political  life  upon  a  cast,  and  stand 
the  hazard  of  the  die.  Accordingly,  they  say  that  this  will 
be  the  last  summer's  campaign,  whichever  side  is  victorious. 
This  is  the  truth  with  regard  to  them,  but  not  to  ourselves. 
Their  resources  will  be  utterly  exhausted  in  the  event  of  fail 
ure  ;  ours  are  scarcely  less  abundant  than  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  while  our  experience  enables  us  to  make  better 
use  of  them.  This  feature  gives  special  importance  to  the 
present  campaign.  We  are  concentrating  our  forces  like 
them,  and  we  are  also  assailing  them  in  several  directions. 
Hooker  and  Sigel,  it  is  understood,  are  ascending  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley:  Butler,  after  making  a  feint  at  West  Point, 
has  gone  up  the  James,  and  landed  at  City  Point  with  an 
army  which  report  fixes  at  sixty  thousand  men.  Burnside 
has  joined  Grant  with  thirty  or  thirty-five  thousand  fresh 
troops.  Great  issues  are  preparing,  with  this  difference, 
however.  If  they  fail  they  are  ruined.  If  we  fail  we  shall 
be  "delayed,  but  nothing  altered;  what  we  were  we  are; 
more  straining  on  for  plucking  back." 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  307 

May  13th.  I  am  much  tried  in  my  efforts  to  preserve  my 
balance  while  the  exciting  news  is  coming  in  from  the  army. 
The  news  of  the  morning  is  most  cheering,  and  you  will  be 
glad  to  know  that  more  troops  are  constantly  going  to  rein 
force  Grant.  It  would  seem  hardly  possible  that  this  kind 
of  fighting  should  continue  much  longer.  It  is  said  that  we 
have  forty  thousand  men  hors  de  combat,  through  death, 
wounds,  prisoners,  stragglers,  and  missing,  and  the  rebels  as 
many  more.  Lee's  wounded  are  said  to  be  neglected.  What 
scenes  of  suffering  and  distress  the  blessed  light  of  day  is  now 
witnessing ! 

May  15th.  I  feel  as  you  say  you  do  about  these  brilliant 
successes  of  the  war  —  that  the  decisive  battle  is  still  to  be 
fought.  Lee's  whole  force  must  cease  to  exist  as  an  organized 
army  before  we  begin  to  see  the  end  of  the  war.  Still  every 
thing  is  in  the  highest  degree  promising  and  encouraging. 
The  spirit  of  the  army  is  magnificent,  equal  to  anything ; 
their  achievements  brilliant ;  their  numbers  undiminished, 
the  places  of  the  killed  and  wounded  having  been  supplied 
by  fresh  troops  ;  and  their  gains  in  guns,  colors,  prisoners, 
and  ground,  substantial  and  cheering.  Lee's  army,  on  the 
contrary,  must  be  dispirited  by  losses,  want  of  supplies,  and 
still  more  by  failures.  In  the  several  greatest  of  the  battles 
of  the  last  eight  days,  Lee  has  been  the  attacking  party, 
meaning  to  drive  us  back,  and  he  has  been  signally  repulsed, 
and  been  forced  to  retire.  Everything  looks  well  and  hope 
ful  for  us.  "We  have  already  accomplished  great  things,  and 
we  have  destroyed  the  prestige,  the  renommee  of  Lee  and  his 
army.  And  yet  again  I  feel  with  you  that,  until  that  army 
is  utterly  routed,  broken  up,  and  scattered  never  to  come 
together  again  in  its  present  shape ;  until  Richmond  is  taken 
and  lies  at  our  mercy,  and  until  all  military  organization  on 
the  part  of  the  rebels  ceases  to  exist  in  Virginia,  I  shall  not 
be  satisfied. 

There  is   one   special  reason  for  being  anxious  for  the 


308  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

immediate  defeat  of  Lee's  army,  —  a  complete  Waterloo  defeat 
of  horse,  foot,  and  dragoons,  artillery,  camp  equipage,  and 
supplies,  —  and  that  is,  the  fear  of  foreign  intervention.  The 
news  of  the  successes  of  our  arms  up  to  Saturday  (yesterday) 
morning  went  to  Europe  in  the  steamer  of  that  day.  It  will 
suggest  the  idea  that  foreign  aid  must  be  given  to  the  rebels 
at  once  or  it  will  be  too  late,  and  it  will  excite  the  frantic 
efforts  of  their  friends ;  and,  again,  it  will  give  a  very  serious 
aspect  to  the  position  assumed  by  one  or  two  of  the  European 
states  towards  us  in  this  rebellion,  —  the  open  aid  and  sym 
pathy  given  by  England,  and  her  piracy ;  the  sympathy  and 
aid  of  Napoleon,  and  his  Mexican  project.  It  makes  me 
shudder  to  think  of  the  future  in  this  light.  The  extreme 
folly  of  the  upper  classes  in  England  is  deeply  to  be  deplored 
in  the  name  of  humanity,  speaking  humanly.  Napoleon's 
downfall  must  sooner  or  later  have  turned  upon  some  such 
act  of  baseness  and  folly  combined,  as  this  Mexican  scheme, 
as  his  uncle's  did  on  the  invasion  of  Russia.  He  has  staked 
the  fortunes  of  his  house  against  those  of  the  young  republic, 
and  he  must  stand  the  hazard  of  the  die.  But  I  find  it  most 
painful  to  dwell  upon  the  possible  troubles  ahead,  except  in 
the  light  of  God's  providence.  "  From  seeming  evil,  still 
enduing  good." 

June  8th.  I  had  a  note  from  Bache  this  morning,  written 
in  a  trembling  hand,  but  saying  nothing  of  himself.1  If  you 
are  correct  in  your  information,  —  and  it  seems  to  come  from 
the  best  source,  —  his  sickness  is  one  of  the  very  saddest  things 
in  the  world,  the  breaking  up  of  so  many  ties  and  associa 
tions  and  connections.  To  me  it  is  particularly  distressing. 
Besides  our  old  coast  survey  bond,  which  has  never  been 
wholly  severed,  we  are  joint  members  of  the  Lighthouse  Board, 
of  the  Permanent  Commission,  of  the  Commission  on  Boston 
Harbor,  of  the  Board  for  Experiments  on  Steam  Expansion,  of 

1  Mr.  Bache's  health  had  failed.  He  died  in  February,  1867,  after  a 
lingering  illness. 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  309 

that  for  correcting  the  changes  in  Sandy  Hook,  and  probably 
of  the  Advisory  Council  to  the  New  Jersey  Commission,  and  of 
others  which  I  do  not  now  recall.  Here  are  six  connections 
which  are  all  of  them  of  a  nature  to  constitute  a  brotherhood 
or  good-fellowship  of  labor.  In  these  respects  how  much  I 
owe  to  him,  and  how  much  I  shall  miss  him  from  all  the 
accustomed  walks  of  life  ! 

June  17th.  Yesterday  there  came  to  see  me  a  Captain 
Richardson  (acting  volunteer  lieutenant),  who  has  been  on  l 
the  Mississippi  all  the  war,  beginning  with  Foote's  time  and 
ending  with  the  Red  River  Expedition.  He  has  just  resigned, 
and  is  traveling  for  pleasure.  We  fought  over  the  battles 
of  Fort  Pillow  and  Memphis  again,  and  I  was  quite  interested 
by  his  mode  of  speaking  of  them.  He  thinks  that  on  both 
occasions  the  enemy  might  have  had  the  victory  if  he  had 
been  bold  enough  to  have  used  his  force  properly.  At  Fort 
Pillow  he  sunk  one  of  the  ironclads  and  disabled  another ; 
and  if  one  of  the  most  powerful  rams  had  run  into  the  Ben- 
ton,  she  would  have  sunk  and  the  day  would  have  been  theirs. 
But  the  Benton's  armament  terrified  them.  So  at  Memphis, 
they  ought  to  have  made  the  attack,  not  waited  for  it,  and 
the  result  would  have  been  in  their  favor,  in  consequence  of 
the  great  power  of  their  rams  and  the  weakness  of  our  ves 
sels.  He  is,  no  doubt,  correct.  But  how  different  would  have 
been  my  fate  if  the  rebel  fleet  had  been  victorious  and  ours 
had  been  destroyed  !  The  one  thing  for  which  I  was  most 
thankful  was  the  rebels  not  perceiving  what  their  proper 
course  was  at  Fort  Pillow.  They  should  have  run  by  instead 
of  engaging  me,1  and  gone  up  to  Cairo,  St.  Louis,  and  Louis 
ville,  and  laid  those  cities  under  contribution,  or,  at  least, 
have  terrified  them  immensely.  They  had  entirely  the  ad 
vantage  of  me  in  speed.  I  often  put  up  a  silent  prayer  of 

1  It  will  be  recalled  that,  in  discussing  this  possibility  at  the  time,  the 
admiral  thought  that  the  enemy's  fleet  would  not  have  been  able  to  pass 
the  batteries  at  Island  No.  10. 


310  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

thankfulness  to  God  for  having  delivered  us  from  that  dan 
ger.  Suppose  that  this  had  happened  the  day  after  Foote  left 
the  fleet,  —  this  thought  makes  me  modest,  thoroughly  so ; 
for,  whatever  I  did  do  or  might  have  done,  I  could  not  have 
controlled  this  thought  if  it  sprung  up  in  the  mind  of  the 
enemy ;  and  it  certainly  would  have  caused  immense  trouble, 
and  would,  in  all  probability,  have  resulted  in  great  personal 
injury  to  me. 

During  the  summer  of  1864  the  admiral  was  ill  with 
a  return  of  the  Mississippi  malarial  poisoning,  and 
passed  some  time  at  home  in  Cambridge.  He  was  also 
absent  from  Washington  during  the  autumn  on  busi 
ness  connected  with  the  Lighthouse  Board,  and  as  chair 
man  of  a  commission  to  select  a  site  for  a  Western  navy 
yard.  In  the  winter  his  family  moved  to  Washing 
ton,  and  the  home  in  Cambridge  was  finally  broken  up. 
In  April,  1865,  he  served,  in  the  funeral  of  the  Presi 
dent,  on  the  Guard  of  Honor,  that  guard  of  veteran 
commanders  of  the  army  and  navy  which  kept  unceas 
ing  watch  at  the  head  of  the  bier  in  the  funeral  pro 
gress  through  the  heart  of  the  nation. 

During  Admiral  Davis's  service  in  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  there  was  one  subject  in  which  he  was  deeply 
interested,  and  in  which  he  was  indirectly  concerned, 
which  has  been  very  lightly  touched  upon  in  the  fore 
going  pages ;  that  is,  Du  Font's  difference  with  the 
department,  and  his  relief  from  the  command  of  the 
South  Atlantic  Squadron.  Davis  was,  of  course,  Du 
Font's  friend  throughout  the  whole  of  this  difficulty 
and  afterwards.  When  it  came  to  a  question  of  Du 
Font's  relief,  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  Foote  was 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  311 

the  best  man  for  the  place  ;  but  Foote  died  on  the  eve 
of  sailing  from  New  York,  and  there  can  be  no  ques 
tion  that  the  choice  should  then  have  fallen  on  Davis. 
The  influences  which  led  to  Dahlgren's  appointment 
will  not  be  rehearsed  here,  as  they  concerned  Davis 
personally  in  no  way  whatever.  Davis  had  offered  his 
services ;  he  had  the  full  confidence  of  the  department, 
especially  of  Mr.  Fox,  with  whom  he  maintained 
throughout  the  war  the  most  intimate  relations;  he 
had  been  over  the  whole  question  of  the  attack  on 
Charleston  with  both  Mr.  Welles  and  Mr.  Fox,  and  had 
formed  his  plans,  and  he  expected  to  go.  He  wrote  to 
his  wife  with  this  expectation.  Neither  did  he  himself, 
nor  any  one  else  at  that  time,  consider  the  duties  of  a 
chief  of  bureau  as  paramount  in  importance  to  a  com 
mand  afloat.  On  this  subject  he  wrote  to  Du  Pont  a 
year  later :  "  I  should  go  further  than  you  and  say  that 
in  no  case  is  the  position  of  an  officer  at  the  depart 
ment,  that  of  chief  of  bureau  included,  so  important  as 
a  command  afloat.  A  navy  officer's  '  pride  of  place ' 
is  on  the  quarter-deck.  The  business  of  most  bureaus 
can  be  performed,  with  a  little  special  training,  as  well 
by  a  citizen  as  a  navy  officer.  But  it  is  only  the  latter, 
and  the  best  specimen  of  the  latter,  who  makes  a  good 
commander-in-chief  afloat." 

In  reviewing  Admiral  Davis's  services  during  the 
civil  war,  there  is  one  quality  upon  which  it  is  pardon 
able  to  insist,  —  his  total  effacement  of  self  in  a  passion 
ate  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  country  in  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  Union.  He  possessed  this  trait  in  common 
with  nearly  all  the  great  leaders  which  the  civil  war 


312  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

produced,  and  he  possessed  it  in  a  very  marked  degree. 
If  his  letters  have  not  shown  this,  they  have  shown 
nothing ;  but  his  actions  showed  it  still  more.  It  is 
conspicuous  in  his  relations  with  Du  Pont  and  Foote. 
Toward  the  latter,  in  fact,  this  devotion  took  the  form 
of  a  self-sacrifice  so  complete  that  his  services  have 
been  misunderstood  and  underestimated  to  the  present 
day.  But  there  was,  on  the  part  of  all  the  great  naval 
officers  of  the  war  period,  a  mutual  cordiality,  an  inti 
macy,  a  bond  of  brotherhood  and  fellowship  in  a  com 
mon  cause,  —  and  that  the  greatest  cause  in  which  an 
officer  could  possibly  be  called  upon  to  serve,  —  which 
placed  them  entirely  above  and  beyond  petty  or  per 
sonal  jealousy.  Davis  actually  planned  the  battle  of 
Port  Royal,  which  was  fought  out  on  his  plan;  but  he 
gave  the  whole  credit,  and  justly,  to  the  commander-in- 
chief ,  who  had  the  same  right  to  command  the  brain  of 
his  staff  as  he  had  to  use  the  brawn  and  sinew  of  the 
seamen  who  served  the  guns.  Davis's  wisdom  and 
calmness  in  adversity  restrained  the  fiery  impetuosity  of 
Farragut,  smarting  under  fancied  disgrace,  and  saved 
the  combined  squadrons  from  certain  disaster  under  the 
impregnable  batteries  of  Vicksburg.  They  differed, 
but  "  not  unkindly."  There  could  be  no  thought  of 
mistrust  between  the  men,  as  the  following  letter  at 
tests  :  — 

UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  HARTFORD, 
WEST  GULF  SQUADRON, 

MOBILE  BAY,  October  1,  1864. 

DEAB  DAVIS,  —  Your  kind  letter  inclosing  that  of  my 
old  friend,  Dr.  Townsend,  was  duly  received,  and  for  which 
please  to  accept  my  grateful  thanks.  My  great  desire  has 


THE  BUREAU  OF  NAVIGATION  313 

always  been  to  serve  my  country  by  hunting  the  enemy,  and, 
next  to  that,  my  great  ambition  has  been  to  do  all  in  my 
power  to  elevate  the  navy,  as  far  as  my  limited  powers  would 
permit,  and  my  self-love  suggested  that  as  the  best  means  of 
obtaining  a  high  stand  among  my  brother  officers.  Every 
man,  I  think,  desires  to  obtain  the  goal  for  which  he  started, 
—  the  head  of  his  profession,  that  is,  the  highest  rank.  The 
letters  which  I  daily  receive,  from  both  the  old  and  young  of 
the  navy,  all  tend  to  show  me  that  I  have  to  thank  God  that 
I  have  done  it  without  doing  injustice  to  any  one.  It  has 
been  done  in  the  simple  discharge  of  my  duty  to  the  best  of 
my  abilities,  and  it  has  pleased  God  to  grant  me  success. 
You,  Du  Pont,  Porter,  and  some  few  others  have,  like  myself, 
been  humble  instruments  to  attain  the  great  end,  —  to  crush 
out  the  rebellion.  God  grant  that  others  may  appear,  for 
we  can  say  with  the  good  book,  "  The  field  is  large,  but  the 
laborers  are  few." 

Please  to  present  my  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Davis.     I  will 
take  great  pleasure  in  sending  your  kind  letter  to  Mrs.  F.  as 
the  best  mode  of  conveying  your  sentiments. 
Very  truly  your  friend, 

D.  G.  FARRAGUT. 

P.  S.  I  have  to  be  careful  of  my  head.  This  blockade 
duty,  with  eighty  vessels,  nearly  1000  miles  of  coast,  etc.,  etc., 
has  been  a  terrible  pull  upon  my  brain.  Yours, 

D.  G.  F. 

If  Admiral  Davis  remained  at  the  Navy  Department 
during  the  last  two  years  of  the  war,  it  was  through 
the  force  of  circumstances  over  which  he  had  no  con 
trol,  and  not  through  any  effort  or  seeking  of  his  own. 
He  had  not  sought  relief  from  the  command  on  the 
Mississippi;  on  the  contrary,  he  had  expected  to  re 
main.  He  "saw  his  duty,"  and  sought  only  employ- 


314  CHAKLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

ment  in  which  he  could  be  of  the  greatest  service  to 
the  country.  The  arduous  service  on  the  river  killed 
Foote,  and  broke  down  Davis's  health.  In  fact,  both  of 
these  officers  were  too  old  for  such  exposure,  and  Davis 
died  from  the  results  of  that  service  as  surely  as  Foote 
did,  though  not  so  soon.  After  his  return  from  the 
Mississippi,  there  was  but  one  opportunity  for  active 
service,  and  that  went  to  a  younger  man.  But  it  is 
highly  probable  that  he  remained  in  Washington  be 
cause  he  was  an  extremely  useful  man  in  the  depart 
ment  at  that  particular  time.  In  our  system,  or  rather 
want  of  system,  of  naval  administration,  the  personal 
character  of  those  in  authority  is  a  most  telling  factor. 
Good  men  will  make  a  bad  system  work  somehow,  by 
the  force  of  their  own  individuality.  This  has  been 
shown  again  and  again  in  the  administration  of  the 
Navy  Department,  and  never  so  conspicuously  as  during 
the  four  years  of  the  civil  war,  under  the  administra 
tion  of  Mr.  Fox;  and  it  was  probably  the  intimacy 
with  the  latter,  and  the  harmony  and  earnestness  with 
which  the  two  worked  together,  which  kept  Davis  in 
Washington. 


CHAPTER  XIV1 

THE  BRAZIL   STATION  AND  PARAGUAY 

AT  the  close  of  the  war,  Admiral  Davis  relinquished 
the  Bureau  of  Navigation  in  order  to  assume  the  super- 
intendency  of  the  Naval  Observatory,  made  vacant  by 
the  death  of  Gillis.  This  office  was,  by  the  admiral's 
own  arrangement,  subordinate  in  rank  to  the  one  he 
vacated ;  but  it  carried  him  back  to  the  field  of  scien 
tific  usefulness,  where  his  taste  and  inclination  really 
lay,  and  his  previous  experience  at  the  head  of  the 
Almanac  qualified  him  preeminently  for  the  place.  He 
served  as  superintendent  two  years.  In  1866,  and  in 
accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Senate,  he  pre 
pared  a  general  and  complete  review  of  all  surveys 
hitherto  made  on  the  possible  routes  for  inter-oceanic 
railways  and  canals  across  the  American  isthmus,  which 
was  printed  as  a  public  document  for  the  use  of  the 
surveying  and  exploring  expeditions  then  just  pro 
jected.  This  volume  is  still  the  standard  authority  for 
the  earlier  surveys,  and  has  been  used  by  recent  expe 
ditions.  In  this  year  he  also  served  as  a  member  of 
the  board  of  admirals,  of  which  Farragut  was  the  chair 
man,  convened  for  the  purpose  of  reviewing  the  indi- 

1  This  chapter  is  rewritten  from  the  article  prepared  by  the  author 
for  the  Biographical  Memoirs  of  the  National  Academy  of  Sciences. 


316  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

vidual  services  of  naval  officers  during  the  civil  war, 
and  making  recommendations  for  promotion  and  re 
ward.  The  labors  of  this  board  were  an  invidious  and 
thankless  task,  requiring  the  greatest  tact  and  discrimi 
nation,  and,  as  may  be  inferred,  its  results  led  to  heart 
burnings  and  jealousies  which  survived  for  many  years; 
but  the  duties  were  faithfully  performed,  and,  although 
the  results  were  not  always  satisfactory  to  individuals, 
the  integrity  of  the  board  itself  was  never  impugned. 
The  board  had  to  deal  with  delicate  questions,  involving 
personal  and  individual  claims,  preferences,  and  com 
parisons,  and  on  the  whole  it  did  its  work  exceedingly 
well.  The  officers  composing  the  board  were  the  high 
est  in  rank  in  the  navy,  and  its  decisions  were  thus 
placed  beyond  the  reach  of  cavil  or  suspicion.  But 
Admiral  Davis  was  still  a  flag  officer  in  activity ;  and 
early  in  1867  he  was  again  called  upon  to  hoist  his  flag, 
and  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  Brazil  station. 
He  sailed  from  Boston  in  his  flagship,  the  Guerriere,  a 
fine  new  steam  frigate,  and  relieved  Rear  Admiral  Go- 
don,  in  command  of  the  station  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  in 
July,  1867. 

One  of  Admiral  Davis's  earliest  acts  on  the  station 
was  to  land  in  force,  and  in  cooperation  with  several  of 
the  foreign  naval  powers  represented  at  Montevideo, 
for  the  protection  of  American  interests  threatened  in 
the  revolution  which  culminated  in  the  assassination  of 
Vernancio  Flores.  It  is  not  necessary  and  would  be 
tedious  to  enter  into  the  intricacies  of  South  American 
political  complications  and  upheavals,  except  in  so  far 
as  they  concern  the  admiral  himself,  but  it  must  be  said 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  317 

that  on  the  east  coast  of  South  America  in  1867,  the 
same  political  disturbances  prevailed  which  have  char 
acterized  the  Spanish-American  republics  since  their 
independence,  and  with  which  Admiral  Davis  had  been 
made  familiar  by  previous  experiences  on  the  west  coast. 
The  Argentine  Republic  had  just  emerged  from  a  series 
of  struggles,  lasting  through  the  Rosas  wars,  and  until 
the  consolidation  of  the  Confederation.  Brazil,  a  stable 
empire,  which  had  been  up  to  that  time  singularly  free 
from  the  internal  disturbances  which  marked  the  his 
tory  of  her  neighbors,  was  allied  with  the  Argentine 
Republic  and  Uruguay  against  the  Republic  of  Para 
guay  in  a  war  of  conquest  and  extermination ;  while 
Uruguay,  or  the  Banda  Oriental  as  it  is  called,  was  torn 
by  contending  factions  using  murder  and  riot  as  a  means 
toward  political  ascendency.  In  the  midst  of  these 
agitations  American  commerce  and  enterprise,  reviving 
after  the  civil  war,  were  seeking  a  foothold  in  South 
America,  and  American  interests  had  to  be  protected. 

The  so-called  Republic  of  Paraguay,  which  fought 
single  handed  against  the  powerful  triple  alliance,  was 
ruled  by  Francisco  Solano  Lopez,  the  third  in  regular 
succession  of  the  absolute  dictators  or  tyrants  who  had 
governed  the  country  since  its  foundation  as  an  inde 
pendent  state.  When  Paraguay  declared  her  independ 
ence  of  Spain  in  1811,  her  remoteness  from  the  sea  and 
the  occupation  of  the  Spanish  forces  in  the  attempt  to 
quell  simultaneous  insurrections  in  the  more  accessible 
colonies  caused  her  act  to  be  ignored  by  the  mother 
country.  Paraguay  became  independent  without  a 
struggle  or  the  effusion  of  blood.  A  congress  held  at 


318  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

Asuncion,  in  1814,  named  the  famous  Dr.  Francia  dic 
tator  for  three  years,  and  at  the  end  of  this  period  his 
nomination  was  confirmed  for  life.  Very  little  is  known 
of  the  actual  condition  of  Paraguay  in  the  reign  of 
Francia,  because  he  pursued  a  policy  of  complete  seclu 
sion,  and  excluded  ah1  foreigners  from  the  country. 
Stories  were  circulated  imputing  to  him  the  utmost 
severity  and  cruelty,  and  he  has  generally  been  viewed 
as  a  gloomy  and  malignant  despot,  but  the  case  rests 
on  rather  slender  evidence.  Carlyle  has  celebrated 
Francia  in  a  famous  essay.  For  years  the  country 
remained  as  isolated  as  the  heart  of  Thibet,  and  on  the 
death  of  Francia  in  1840,  after  a  short  period  of  an 
archy,  the  dictatorship  was  assumed  by  Carlos  Antonio 
Lopez.  He  was  more  liberal  to  foreigners  than  Francia 
had  been.  A  tax  was,  however,  levied  on  all  vessels 
navigating  the  Paraguay  Kiver.  Lopez  took  the  title 
of  president,  and  established  a  constitution,  by  the  con 
ditions  of  which  the  congress  could  only  be  convened 
by  the  act  of  the  president,  who,  in  case  of  death  or 
disability,  was  to  be  succeeded  by  the  vice-president 
whom  he  had  the  power  of  appointing ;  so  that  Lopez 
had  only  to  name  his  son  vice-president  to  make  the 
succession  secure  in  his  own  family.  In  1855  the 
United  States  steamer  Waterwitch,  while  surveying  in 
the  Paraguay  River,  had  been  fired  into  from  a  shore 
battery  and  one  man  killed,  so  the  United  States  sent  a 
naval  expedition,  with  a  commissioner,  to  demand  and 
enforce  reparation.  In  1859  the  commissioner  of  the 
United  States  concluded  a  treaty  with  Paraguay,  and 
from  that  time  forward  a  United  States  minister  con- 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  319 

tinned  to  reside  in  Asuncion.  Francisco  Solano  Lopez 
was  educated  at  Paris,  and  being  secure  in  the  succes 
sion  to  the  rulership  of  his  country  he  received  a  mili 
tary  training,  and  imbibed  rather  ambitious  ideas  in  the 
France  of  the  second  empire.  He  succeeded  his  father, 
Carlos  Antonio,  in  1862,  and  was  even  more  liberal 
than  the  latter,  and  virtually  opened  the  country  to 
commerce,  but  maintained  a  tax  on  vessels  navigating 
the  Paraguay.  This  tax  was  a  sore  point  with  Brazil. 
The  Paraguay  Kiver  was  the  highway  to  her  south 
western  provinces,  and  its  free  navigation  an  important 
question.  Moreover  Lopez  had  become  aggressive. 
He  had  Napoleonic  ideas  of  conquest  and  military 
dominion,  so  that  a  conflict  between  the  two  countries 
was  inevitable.  War  broke  out  in  1864  and  dragged 
on  for  six  years,  the  Paraguayans  fighting  with  great 
spirit  against  overwhelming  odds,  and  the  allies  slowly 
forcing  them  back  by  the  mere  weight  of  numbers  from 
one  stronghold  to  another  along  the  river  course,  and 
Paraguay  remained  as  hermetically  sealed  to  the  out 
side  world  by  the  operations  of  the  war  as  it  had  been 
in  Francia's  time,  for  the  river  is  the  only  approach  to 
the  country.  Meanwhile  the  American  minister  con 
tinued  to  reside  at  Asuncion,  being  appointed  solely 
for  political  reasons,  long  after  every  other  foreign  re 
presentative,  diplomatic  and  consular,  had  withdrawn. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  River  Plate 
when  Admiral  Davis  took  command  on  the  station. 
To  keep  open  communication  with  the  American  minis 
ter  in  Paraguay  was  one  of  the  duties  which  devolved 
upon  him. 


320  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

The  war  on  the  part  of  the  allies  degenerated  into  a 
personal  war  against  Lopez,  who  was  denounced  as  a 
miscreant  whom  it  had  become  a  virtue  to  destroy. 
Stories  of  his  barbarity  and  cruelty  were  rife  in  Rio  de 
Janeiro  and  Buenos  Aires,  but  only  one  side  of  the 
case  has  ever  been  heard,  as  Lopez  had  no  friends  be 
yond  the  confines  of  his  own  dominions.  The  country 
was  a  military  camp.  Every  male  capable  of  bearing 
arms  was  enrolled,  and  most  of  the  females  were  with 
the  army.  The  towns  and  villages  were  deserted,  in 
dustry,  except  so  far  as  it  related  to  military  supplies, 
was  suspended,  the  camp  was  the  capital,  and  the  dicta 
tor  commander-in-chief.  This  condition  was  brought 
about,  not  by  any  arbitrary  act  of  Lopez  himself,  but 
by  the  pressure  of  the  invasion.  Even  had  he  been 
the  constitutional  president  of  a  free  republic  the  situa 
tion  would  have  been  the  same,  for  the  whole  people 
was  in  arms  in  defense  of  its  homes  against  foreign 
invasion.  From  this  point  of  view  at  least  the  Para 
guayan  cause  was  just. 

The  American  minister  had  written  to  Washington 
in  the  early  part  of  the  war  in  terms  of  the  most  ful 
some  flattery  of  Lopez,  but  unfortunately  the  minister 
himself  was  beginning  to  get  into  trouble  on  both 
sides.  He  was  accused  by  both  parties  to  the  war  of 
using  his  diplomatic  privileges  to  further  his  private 
interests,  and  whatever  the  truth  of  these  accusations 
may  be,  in  this  case  at  least  both  sides  were  heard. 
The  allies  accused  him  of  carrying  on  a  profitable  trade 
in  arms  and  supplies,  which  were  passed  unexamined 
through  the  Brazilian  blockading  squadron  as  the  per- 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  321 

sonal  property  of  the  American  minister,  and  the  Para 
guayans  accused  him  of  selling  military  information  to 
their  enemies,  and  later  he  was  accused  by  Lopez  of 
abetting  a  conspiracy  which  he  discovered,  or  pretended 
to  discover,  against  his  life,  and  of  harboring  the  con 
spirators  and  refugees  from  military  justice  in  the  lega 
tion  of  the  United  States.  Whatever  the  actual  merits 
of  the  case  may  have  been,  a  simple  recital  of  the  cir 
cumstances  has  been  given  in  order  to  make  clear  a 
situation  of  affairs  in  which  Admiral  Davis  now  became 
involved,  and  with  which  he  was  called  upon  to  deal  in 
his  own  way,  and  for  the  same  reason  a  somewhat  pro 
lix  account  of  the  actual  condition  of  the  Republic  of 
Paraguay,  and  the  circumstances  attending  the  war  of 
extermination  waged  by  the  triple  alliance  against  Lopez, 
has  been  presented. 

In  the  summer  (the  winter  of  the  southern  hemi 
sphere)  of  1868  the  Wasp  had  been  sent  by  the  admi 
ral  to  Asuncion  to  communicate  with  the  United  States 
minister.  The  latter  sent  by  her  commander  a  message 
to  the  admiral  asking  for  the  immediate  return  of  the 
vessel,  as  he  felt  that  his  situation  was  precarious,  and 
that  he  might  be  obliged  to  leave  at  short  notice ;  in 
short,  he  wanted  a  vessel  of  war  to  fall  back  upon.  So 
upon  the  return  of  the  Wasp  to  Montevideo  the  admi 
ral  dispatched  her  at  once  again  to  Asuncion,  and  gave 
her  commander  orders  to  place  his  vessel  at  the  minis 
ter's  disposal.  The  Wasp  was  an  iron  paddle-wheel 
steamer  of  English  build,  which  had  been  captured  on 
the  blockade  during  the  civil  war  and  taken  into  the 
service.  She  carried  a  light  battery  of  brass  guns,  and 


322  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

was  well  adapted  for  river  service.  Her  captain  was 
Commander  (the  late  Rear  Admiral)  William  A.  Kirk- 
land,  an  officer  who  was  specially  qualified  for  service 
in  the  River  Plate,  where  he  had  passed  much  of  his 
active  career,  for  he  spoke  Spanish  and  the  dialects  of 
the  river  like  a  native,  was  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
habits  and  traits  of  the  people,  understood  the  native 
character,  and  was  a  skillful  diplomatist  as  well  as  a  gal 
lant  officer.  Indeed,  so  well  was  the  value  of  these 
special  qualities  understood  at  Washington  that  he  had 
been  kept  almost  continuously  on  duty  in  the  River 
Plate.  He  knew  Lopez  better,  probably,  than  any 
one  in  South  America. 

When  the  Wasp  reached  Asuncion  the  minister  was, 
or  thought  he  was,  living  in  daily  terror  of  his  life. 
The  legation  was  surrounded  by  Lopez's  police,  and  no 
member  of  it  dared  stir  abroad.  No  overt  act  had  been 
committed,  but  it  was  undoubtedly  the  intention  of 
Lopez  to  arrest  any  member  of  the  household,  except 
the  minister  himself,  who  ventured  beyond  the  pre 
cincts  of  the  legation.  Captain  Kirkland  believed  that 
the  minister's  fears  were  greatly  exaggerated,  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  he  was  thoroughly  frightened,  and  had 
but  one  wish,  to  get  on  board  the  Wasp,  and  out  of 
Lopez's  reach  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Arrange 
ments  were  therefore  made  for  the  immediate  embarka 
tion  of  himself  and  his  household.  The  party  left  the 
legation  headed  by  the  minister  himself  carrying  the 
American  flag,  but  no  sooner  were  they  on  the  street 
than  two  of  the  party,  refugees  from  Lopez's  service 
whom  the  minister  had  sheltered,  were  forcibly  arrested. 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  323 

Even  then  it  is  probable  that  had  the  minister  resisted 
and  protested,  the  arrest  would  not  have  taken  place, 
but  instead  he  made  a  precipitate  retreat  on  board  the 
Wasp.  No  sooner  was  he  on  board  than  he  insisted 
on  sailing  at  once.  It  was  in  vain  that  Captain  Kirk- 
land  represented  that  having  undertaken  to  extend  his 
protection  to  these  men  it  was  shameful  to  leave  with 
out  them,  and  that  a  demand  from  himself  would  pro 
cure  their  instant  delivery.  A  frightened  man  does 
not  listen  to  reason,  and  Captain  Kirkland,  against  his 
own  judgment,  but  acting  in  strict  conformity  with  his 
orders,  weighed  anchor  and  proceeded  down  the  river. 

When  the  Wasp  reached  Buenos  Aires  the  admiral 
was  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  There  were  no  telegraphs  in 
those  days,  but  the  news  of  this  outrage  upon  an 
American  diplomatist  reached  him  in  due  course  of 
post,  perhaps  three  weeks  after  the  event.  The  admi 
ral  never  had  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  the  course  which 
it  was  proper  to  pursue.  The  business  which  had 
brought  him  to  Eio  de  Janeiro  was  directly  connected 
with  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Paraguay.  The  minis 
ter  to  Paraguay  had  been  recalled  by  orders  from  Wash 
ington,  which  however  he  had  not  received  at  the  date 
of  his  leaving  the  country ;  his  successor  was  appointed 
and  was  now  within  a  few  days'  sail  of  Rio  de  Janeiro 
on  board  of  the  American  mail  steamer,  and  the  admi 
ral  had  been  directed  to  meet  him  at  Rio,  offer  him  a 
safe  conduct  to  his  station,  and  confer  with  him  as  to 
the  situation  of  affairs  in  the  River  Plate.  The  new 
minister  was  a  distinguished  officer  of  the  civil  war,  and 
acted  in  entire  harmony  and  accord  with  the  admiral 


324  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

throughout  the  entire  affair.  He  took  passage  on 
board  the  Guerriere  for  Montevideo,  where  the  admi 
ral  had  already  directed  the  ships  of  his  squadron  to 
assemble  in  preparation  for  a  move  up  the  river.  As 
soon  as  the  Gfuerriere  reached  Montevideo  the  admiral 
shifted  his  flag  to  the  Wasp,  and  with  the  newly  ap 
pointed  minister  on  board,  and  with  as  many  ships  of 
the  squadron  as  could  be  floated  over  the  bar  at  Martin 
Garcia,  he  proceeded  up  the  river.  The  vessels  en 
gaged  in  this  demonstration  were  the  Wasp,  3  guns 
(flag),  the  Pawnee,  11  guns,  the  Kansas,  8  guns,  the 
Quinnebaug,  6  guns,  and  the  Shamokin,  10  guns. 

It  is  about  a  week's  navigation  from  Buenos  Aires  to 
Asuncion,  for  after  ships  enter  the  narrow  reaches  of 
the  Parana  and  Paraguay  they  must  anchor  at  night, 
and  the  strong  current  of  the  river  retards  progress  by 
day.  It  was  in  midsummer  (December),  1868,  and  at 
that  season  of  the  year  the  climate  of  the  upper  river  is 
something  infernal.  Along  the  right  bank  stretches 
for  hundreds  of  miles  the  Gran  Chaco,  a  noisome  wil 
derness  of  jungle  and  morass,  into  which  no  human 
being  can  enter  and  live,  and  in  which  only  alligators 
can  dwell.  A  Brazilian  army  which  entered  this  swamp 
for  a  march  of  about  twenty  miles  to  flank  Asuncion 
died  like  rotten  sheep.  From  this  bank  great  segments 
of  tangled  forest  growth  break  away  with  the  force  of 
the  stream,  and  float  down  with  the  current  in  the  form 
of  floating  islands,  some  of  them  of  enormous  extent, 
so  that  at  times,  to  a  vessel  ascending  the  stream,  the 
whole  course  ahead  seems  to  be  land.  These  gather 
across  the  ship's  hawse  at  night,  and  must  be  cleared 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  325 

away  with  great  labor  in  the  morning.  All  day  a  ver 
tical  sun  beats  down  upon  the  breathless  mirror  of  the 
river,  and  in  the  furnace  heat  and  damp  of  the  swamps 
swarms  of  noxious  insects  breed,  and  these,  with  the 
heat  and  the  foul  miasmas  of  the  Chaco,  make  the  nights 
hideous ;  and  as  a  variety  to  these  torments  a  tornado 
will  occasionally  sweep  across  the  river  from  the  south, 
and  the  temperature  will  fall  forty  or  fifty  degrees  in 
an  instant.  Necessarily  the  health  of  the  squadron 
suffered.  Many  men  were  on  the  sick-list  from  fever, 
and  also  from  mosquito  bites,  and  one  man  on  board 
the  Wasp,  driven  mad  by  these  pests,  actually  com 
mitted  suicide  by  drowning. 

In  the  meantime  Asuncion  had  fallen  and  was  occu 
pied  by  the  allies.  Lopez's  last  stronghold  on  the 
river  was  at  a  point  called  Angostura,  about  twenty 
miles  below  Asuncion,  where  he  had  erected  a  battery 
which  commanded  a  bend  of  the  river,  and  when  the 
Wasp  arrived  the  Brazilian  ironclads  were  bombarding 
this  position,  coming  up  into  action  in  the  morning  and 
dropping  down  out  of  range  at  night.  To  those  officers 
who  had  taken  the  hard  knocks  of  the  civil  war  at  home 
the  Brazilian  methods  of  warfare  seemed  simply  puerile. 
The  admiral  had  in  his  squadron  guns  enough  to  have 
knocked  this  battery  down  in  half  an  hour  if  American 
methods  had  to  be  resorted  to ;  but  he  had  left  the 
squadron  some  miles  below  the  lower  Brazilian  lines, 
and  came  on  alone  in  the  Wasp,  as  he  did  not  choose 
to  make  a  show  of  his  force  until  it  became  necessary 
to  use  it.  The  newly  appointed  minister  to  Paraguay 
was  also  on  board  the  Wasp,  but  it  is  needless  to  say 


326  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

that  this  fact  was  not  proclaimed,  nor  was  it  known  by 
either  the  Brazilians  or  Paraguayans  until  the  affair 
was  concluded  by  the  navy.  On  the  morning  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Wasp,  which  had  anchored  just  above 
the  battery  and  out  of  the  line  of  fire,  the  Brazilian 
fleet  came  up  into  action,  the  leading  ship  carrying  the 
American  flag  at  the  fore,  a  proceeding  which  called 
forth  a  peremptory  challenge  from  Admiral  Davis,  as 
while  this  flag  flew  the  fort  did  not  fire,  and  the  Bra 
zilian  ships  were  enabled  to  take  position  under  its  pro 
tection.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  experiment  was 
not  repeated. 

Immediately  upon  his  arrival  in  front  of  Angostura, 
the  admiral  had  notified  the  Paraguayan  commander 
that  he  wished  to  communicate  with  the  President. 
Lopez  was  with  the  army,  some  miles  in  the  interior, 
but  a  meeting-place  was  arranged  at  an  intermediate 
point,  to  which  the  admiral  sent  his  fleet  captain  and 
Captain  Kirkland.  The  conference,  so  far  as  these 
two  were  concerned,  was  limited  to  a  peremptory  de 
mand  for  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  two  persons 
arrested  from  under  the  protection  of  the  American 
minister.  Lopez  would  not  have  been  a  South  Ameri 
can  potentate  if  he  could  have  yielded  without  talk, 
and  the  men  were  actually  at  a  place  some  distance  in 
the  interior ;  but  they  were  delivered  on  board  the 
Wasp  the  same  night,  and  a  suitable  apology  was 
made,  which  was  the  utmost  reparation  that  could  be 
extorted  in  the  wretched  plight  of  Paraguay.  The 
newly  appointed  minister  then  landed  and  presented 
his  credentials,  the  Wasp  sailed  the  next  morning,  and 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  327 

within  a  week  the  whole  squadron  was  in  Montevideo 
again. 

The  whole  of  this  incident  might  have  been  dismissed 
in  a  single  paragraph,  except  that  it  was  made  a  sub 
ject  of  congressional  investigation,  and  led  to  a  per 
sonal  attack  on  Admiral  Davis  instigated  by  the  ex- 
minister  to  Paraguay  himself  who  was  an  unworthy 
member  of  a  powerful  political  family.  The  case  was 
one  of  the  minor  scandals  of  that  scandalous  political 
period.  The  animus  of  the  attack  was  not  far  to  seek, 
it  being  only  a  noisy  trick  to  divert  public  notice  from 
the  conduct  of  others  besides  the  naval  officers,  for 
Admiral  Godon,  Admiral  Davis's  predecessor  on  the 
station,  was  also  involved  in  this  attack.  The  absurdity 
of  the  investigation  and  its  methods  in  Godon's  case 
may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that  he  was  censured  for 
having  acted  in  obedience  to  the  explicit  orders  of  the 
Navy  Department.  So  in  Davis's  case  also,  the  investi 
gation  proceeded  although  his  conduct  received  the 
approval  of  the  Navy  Department  and  the  President. 
In  point  of  fact  the  whole  affair  had  been  conducted 
by  the  admiral  with  spirit  and  firmness,  and  the  object 
of  the  expedition  had  been  immediately  accomplished, 
without  a  resort  to  force,  which  would  have  involved 
the  country  in  hostilities  against  an  exhausted  and 
sinking  state  in  the  heart  of  South  America,  for  a  con 
temptible  cause.  Of  course  the  principal  charge  against 
Admiral  Davis  was  that  he  had  employed  persuasion 
where  he  should  have  employed  force ;  but  that  his 
enemies  had  to  go  far  afield  for  causes  of  offense 
may  be  understood  by  the  fact  that  his  being  a  man  of 


328  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

refinement  and  cultivation  was  seriously  cited  against 
him  in  the  committee.  The  committee  itself  had  pre 
judged  the  case,  and  was  inimical  to  the  admiral  and 
to  the  navy  as  an  institution.  Admiral  Davis's  testi 
mony  with  all  the  evidence  which  bore  in  his  favor  was 
suppressed  in  a  printed  copy  of  the  report  which  was 
widely  circulated  by  his  enemies,  and  the  committee 
even  declined  to  examine  witnesses  on  his  side.  The 
findings  virtually  censured  him  because  he  was  a  gen 
tleman  and  not  a  truculent  blackguard,  but  the  report 
was  never  brought  up  in  the  House,  and  the  whole 
question,  having  fulfilled  the  purpose  for  which  it  was 
intended,  was  allowed  to  subside. 

Admiral  Davis's  side  of  this  story  has  never  yet  been 
told ;  but,  besides  the  printed  report  of  the  congres 
sional  committee,  a  so-called  history  of  Paraguay  was 
published  by  the  ex-minister,  which  was  written  for  no 
other  ostensible  purpose  than  to  perpetuate  the  slander. 
The  two  refugees,  whom  Admiral  Davis  had  rescued 
from  what  they  conceived  to  be  deadly  peril,  joined 
the  hue  and  cry  against  him,  and  allied  themselves  with 
their  former  master,  toward  whom  they  certainly  had 
little  cause  to  entertain  a  sentiment  of  gratitude.  They 
were  both  men  of  more  than  doubtful  character,  — 
one  an  American  adventurer,  and  the  other  a  British 
subject.  They  had  both  been  in  Lopez's  service,  and 
were  accused  by  him  of  conspiring  against  his  life. 
They  took  refuge  in  the  American  legation,  and  the 
minister  conferred  upon  them  some  sort  of  nominal 
appointment  as  attaches,  which,  considering  their  situa 
tion  as  refugees,  was  at  least  an  injudicious  thing  to 


THE  BRAZIL  STATION  AND  PARAGUAY  329 

do.  Admiral  Davis  had  never  credited  the  stories  of 
Lopez's  barbarity.  He  had  the  most  reliable  informa 
tion  of  the  actual  condition  of  Paraguay  during  the 
war  from  Captain  Kirkland's  repeated  voyages  up  the 
river  in  the  Wasp,  and  he  had  better  evidence  to  judge 
by  than  any  man  in  South  America.  Moreover,  he  was 
a  man  of  clear  mind  and  sound  judgment,  and  did  not 
form  his  opinions  from  gossip.  Notwithstanding  many 
dismal  predictions  that  the  men  would  be  murdered 
before  they  could  be  rescued,  Admiral  Davis  was  quite 
confident  that  he  would  find  them  in  good  health  ;  and 
the  event  proved  that  he  was  right.  They  pretended 
that  they  had  been  tortured,  by  a  process  which  they 
described  to  the  committee,  and  which  must  have  left 
indelible  physical  traces ;  but  their  persons,  when  they 
were  received  on  board  the  Wasp,  bore  not  the  slight 
est  evidence  of  violence.  They  were  not  even  ema 
ciated,  though  there  was  a  decided  scarcity  of  provisions 
in  Paraguay,  and  some  of  the  native  soldiers  were  mere 
skeletons.  Before  the  committee  finished  its  work  Par 
aguay  was  overrun  by  the  allies,  Lopez  himself  was 
killed  in  the  last  precipitate  retreat  of  the  remnants  of 
his  army,  and  the  country  was  a  Brazilian  province. 

A  recital  of  the  unsavory  details  of  this  investigation 
has  not  been  an  agreeable  task ;  but  the  attack  caused 
Admiral  Davis  some  mortification  at  the  end  of  an 
honorable  career  of  forty-five  years  in  the  navy ;  and 
the  story  of  his  life  would  not  be  complete  without  an 
exposure  of  facts  which  have  never  before  been  made 
public.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  his  reputation  suffered 
nothing,  either  in  or  out  of  the  navy,  from  this  perse- 


330  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

cution.  As  one  of  his  contemporaries  wrote :  "  The 
affair  was,  in  truth,  a  conspicuous  instance  of  the 
soundness  and  reasonableness  of  judgment,  the  con 
scientious  patriotism,  and  the  high  sense  of  professional 
responsibility,  which  always  distinguished  him." 


CHAPTER  XV 

CONCLUSION 

THE  cruise  in  South  America,  the  story  of  which 
has  just  been  related,  was  the  last  event  of  Admiral 
Davis's  career  as  a  naval  officer  at  sea.  He  returned 
to  the  United  States  in  June,  1869  ;  and  he  had  now 
reached  the  age  when,  under  the  ordinary  operation  of 
the  law,  he  would  have  retired,  but  the  vote  of  thanks 
extended  his  period  on  the  active  list  for  ten  years. 
He  passed  the  summer  of  1869,  on  an  extended  leave 
of  absence,  with  his  family  in  the  woods  of  Maine ; 
and  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  this  was  the  first  period 
of  actual  rest  and  recreation  which  he  had  ever  en 
joyed  in  his  whole  professional  life,  or  at  least  since  he 
was  a  very  young  man.  From  the  time  when  he  and 
Foote  sat  apart  in  the  steerage  of  the  United  States, 
working  for  the  examination  and  writing  their  book  on 
seamanship,  to  the  day  when  he  laid  down  his  pen 
only  a  few  hours  before  his  death,  he  was  almost  never 
idle.  His  career  offers  a  contrast  in  this  respect  to  the 
common  experience  of  naval  officers  of  his  day ;  for  in 
his  early  life,  unless  an  officer  found  employment  for 
himself,  there  were  generally  long  periods  of  forced 
inactivity.  His  employments  changed,  from  time  to 
time,  from  the  active  life  at  sea  to  study  and  the  pur- 


332  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

suits  of  science ;  but  there  was  really  nothing  incon 
sistent  in  the  seeming  contrasts  of  his  career.  In  this 
respect,  at  least,  he  was  a  striking  contrast  to  others 
of  his  contemporaries  in  the  navy  who  devoted  their 
lives  exclusively  to  science. 

During  his  absence  in  Brazil,  the  University  of  Har 
vard  had  conferred  upon  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws,  a  rare  honor  to  a  naval  officer,  and  in  the  autumn 
of  1869  he  again  became  a  member  of  the  Lighthouse 
Board  and  resided  in  Washington. 

In  1870  Admiral  Davis  was  appointed  to  command 
the  naval  station  at  Norfolk,  and  spent  three  years  at 
this  post.  They  were  uneventful  years,  and  to  himself 
and  his  family  a  period  of  social  isolation.  Southern 
society  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  shock  of  the 
war ;  and  although  there  were  several  of  the  admiral's 
former  friends  and  old  brother  officers  still  resident  ip. 
Norfolk,  they  did  not  come  forward,  and  in  fact  the  war 
was  too  recent  an  event,  and  the  wounds  which  it  left 
too  fresh,  to  make  a  residence  in  a  Southern  city  agree 
able  to  a  Northern  man.  The  official  duties  of  his 
station,  his  books,  family,  and  domestic  interests,  and 
occasional  visits  to  New  England  in  the  summer  months, 
filled  the  time  until  1874,  when  he  was  again  ap 
pointed  Superintendent  of  the  Naval  Observatory,  and 
returned  to  that  duty  in  time  to  take  part  as  Chairman 
of  the  Transit  of  Venus  Commission  in  the  preparations 
for  the  observations  of  that  year. 

.  At  this  time  a  second  and  revised  edition  of  his  work 
on  "Inter-Oceanic  Railways  and  Canals  "  was  published, 
and  he  was  frequently  consulted  on  matters  relating  to 


CONCLUSION  333 

harbor  improvements.  The  journals  and  memoranda 
of  the  voyage  of  the  Arctic  discovery-ship  Polaris, 
together  with  Captain  Hall's  journals  of  his  other  expe 
ditions  to  the  polar  seas,  had  been  purchased  by  the 
government,  and,  in  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the 
Senate,  were  intrusted  to  Admiral  Davis  to  edit.1  He 
threw  into  this  work  the  best  energy  of  the  last  years 
of  his  life,  and  as  a  preparation  for  it  he  made  an 
exhaustive  study  of  the  whole  subject  of  polar  explora 
tion  from  the  times  of  Frobisher  and  Barentz.  His  inter 
est  in  this  work  became  absorbing.  Assisted  by  Professor 
Joseph  Nourse,  who  published  the  second  volume  of  the 
"  Narrative  "  2  after  the  admiral's  death,  he  labored  in 
dustriously  on  this  book  throughout  the  summer  of 
1876.  This  occupation,  and  his  duties  as  Superintendent 
of  the  Observatory,  as  Chairman  of  the  Transit  of  Venus 
Commission,  and  in  connection  with  the  Observatory 
and  naval  exhibit  at  the  Centennial  Exposition  in  Phila 
delphia,  kept  him  closely  confined,  and  his  usual  sum 
mer  vacation  was  curtailed.  The  summer  was  an 
exceedingly  hot  and  unhealthy  one,  and  in  the  autumn, 
after  serving  on  a  board  with  Admirals  Porter  and 
Rowan  to  establish  the  site  of  a  naval  station  at  Port 
Royal,  he  was  again  seized  with  an  attack  of  his  old 
Mississippi  complaint,  —  malarial  poisoning.  His  gen 
eral  health  declined  rapidly  during  the  winter,  but  he 

1  Narrative  of  the  North  Polar  Expedition  U.  S.  Ship  Polaris,  Captain 
Charles  Francis  Hall    By  Rear  Admiral  C.  H.  Davis,  U.  S.  N.     Wash 
ington  :  Government  Printing  Office.     1876. 

2  Narrative  of  the  Second  Arctic  Expedition  made  by  Charles  F.  Hall, 
etc.    By  Professor  J.  E.  Nourse,  U.  S.  N.     Washington  :  Government 
Printing  Office.     1879. 


334  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

worked  faithfully  on  the  proofs  of  the  Polaris  narra 
tive,  and  on  the  general  correspondence  of  his  office, 
until  the  day  before  his  death,  which  occurred  at  the 
Naval  Observatory  in  Washington  on  February  18, 1877. 
He  was  buried  at  Cambridge,  within  sight  of  the 
towers  of  the  University ;  and  a  stained-glass  window  in 
the  Memorial  Hall  looks  out  upon  the  scenes  in  which 
he  walked  familiarly,  and  commemorates  the  fact  that 
he  was  the  oldest  representative  of  the  University,  and 
the  senior  in  rank,  who  served  during  the  civil  war.1 

The  extracts  from  his  letters,  written  during  the  civil 
war,  which  have  appeared  in  the  foregoing  pages,  have 
been  sufficient  to  throw  a  strong  light  on  Admiral 
Davis's  personal  character  and  motives,  brought  out  as 
they  were  by  the  stirring  events  and  emotions  of  the 
times  in  which  they  were  written.  To  these  evidences 
of  his  character  may  be  added  some  quotations  from 
his  contemporaries  and  associates :  — 

Notwithstanding  the  active  and  prominent  life  which  Admi 
ral  Davis  led,  and  his  energy  and  dash  as  a  naval  commander, 
his  tastes,  especially  in  his  later  years,  were  much  more  those 

1  The  inscription  on  this  window,  which  was  written  by  his  friend,  Pro 
fessor  G.  M.  Lane,  is  :  — 

MEMOBLB  •  CAROL!  •  HENRICI  •  DAVIS  •  PB.EF  •  NAV  •  VIRI  • 
BELLI  •  ET  •  PACIS  •  ABTIBUS  •  PB^STANTIS  •  KATUS  •  EST  •  A  •  D  • 
XVII  '  K  •  FEB  •  A  '  MDCCCVII  •  MOBTUUS  •  A  •  D  •  XII  •  KAL  • 
MABT  •  A  •  MDCCCLXXVn  •  ALUMNUS  •  A  •  MDCCCXXV  •  LL  •  D  •  A  • 
MDCCCLXVHI  :  PEB  •  LV  •  ANKOS  •  SINGULAREM  •  FEDEM  •  PRUDENTIAM  • 
VIBTUTEM  •  AD  •  REEPUBLIC-E  •  UTILITATEM  •  ET  •  SALUTEM  •  CONTULIT  t 
HUIC  •  OB  •  BEM  •  BENE  •  NAV1BUS  •  GESTAM  •  AMPLISSIMIS  •  VEBBIS  • 
GBATIAS  •  EGCT  •  SENATUS  •  POPULUSQUE  •  AMERICANUS  :  POBT  ROYAL  • 
MEMPHIS  •  FORT  PILLOW. 


CONCLUSION  335 

of  a  refined  gentleman  of  literary  leisure  than  of  the  active 
man  of  the  world.  He  was  little  inclined  to  mingle  in  general 
society,  but  rather  sought  that  of  the  cultivated  few  whose 
tastes  were  congenial  with  his  own.  His  relations  with  the 
men  of  science  who  were  his  official  subordinates  were  singu 
larly  free  from  those  complaints,  jealousies,  and  distrusts 
which  so  often  arise  when  military  men  are  placed  in  charge 
of  works  of  a  purely  scientific  character.  This  arose  from  an 
entire  absence  of  every  trace  of  jealousy  in  his  nature,  com 
bined  with  an  admiration  for  intellectual  superiority  in  others, 
which  led  him  to  concede  everything  to  it.  He  combined  inde 
pendence  of  character  with  Christian  courtesy,  in  a  way  that 
made  him  a  model  to  the  young  men  by  whom  he  was  sur 
rounded.  No  human  being  who  came  into  his  presence  was 
too  lowly  to  be  addressed  with  the  most  kindly  courtesy ;  and, 
when  arrogance  or  impertinence  became  insufferable,  no  respect 
for  position  or  influence  gloved  the  hand  that  dealt  the  blow. 

His  conversation  was  forcible,  full  of  good  sense,  and  most 
amusing.  He  brought  to  bear  on  any  subject  he  took  up  a 
host  of  argument,  illustration,  and  elucidation ;  and  he  liked 
to  brighten  up  the  driest  discussion  of  professional  and  scien 
tific  matters  with  his  original  and  vivid  turns  of  expression, 
or  with  some  apt  and  unhackneyed  quotation.  He  was  an 
admirable  officer.  He  had  the  true  spirit  of  command, — 
strong,  dignified,  and  quiet ;  and  one  that,  not  needing  arti 
ficial  support,  was  accompanied  by  a  thoroughly  friendly 
relation  to  his  officers  and  men.  .  .  .  He  was  a  charming 
companion,  abounding  to  the  last  in  a  natural  freshness  and 
gayety  of  spirit.  .  .  .  He  was  a  man  of  marked  courage,  and 
had  eminently  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  At  the  same 
time,  he  was  distinguished  by  perfect  courtesy,  having  but  one 
standard  of  manners,  and  that  a  finished  and  unaffected  one, 
for  all  classes  of  men.  He  bore  good  will  to  every  one,  and 
was  always  in  a  cordial  vein.  Meanness,  trickery,  and  malice, 


336  CHARLES  HENRY  DAVIS 

indeed,  roused  his  bitter  contempt.  But  a  salient  character 
istic  of  at  least  his  later  years  was  his  profound  trust  in  human 
nature,  his  complete  freedom  from  cynicism,  and  his  faith  in 
the  power  of  right  and  truth  to  conquer  both  the  world  and 
individual  conscience. 

In  his  official  character,  Admiral  Davis  was,  first  and 
foremost,  a  naval  officer.  He  belonged  to  that  class 
which  it  is  the  honor  of  the  regular  services  of  the  army 
and  navy  to  produce,  and  whose  reward  is  generally 
only  the  fulfillment  of  a  high  ideal  all  its  own ;  which 
it  is  often  the  privilege  of  vulgar  malice  to  flout  and  con 
temn,  but  which  is  truly  the  safeguard  and  bulwark  of 
the  republic.  He  was  incidentally  a  student,  but  he  was 
neither  a  pedant  nor  a  dreamer.  He  could  borrow 
from  the  past  elucidation  and  example,  but  he  brought 
the  labors  of  the  study  to  aid,  not  to  impede,  the  demands 
of  stirring  action  in  the  present.  He  lived  intensely 
and  earnestly  in  the  times  in  which  his  life  was  cast. 

Since  the  close  of  his  active  career,  the  service  which 
he  loved  has  passed  through  a  long  and  almost  hopeless 
period  of  decadence  and  neglect,  until  it  has,  by  a  sud 
den  transition,  again  attained  to  a  position  of  respect 
able  importance.  A  sharp  line  of  demarcation  has  been 
drawn  in  men's  minds  between  its  former  state  and  its 
present,  —  between,  in  the  cant  phrase  of  the  day,  the 
old  navy  and  the  new.  The  service  has  forgotten  its 
past,  or  at  the  best  remembers  it  only  as  a  subject  for 
curiosity,  bearing  a  very  trifling  relation  to  the  present. 
Tradition  and  the  trace  of  continuity  are  lost.  Nor  is 
this  unnatural.  It  is  due  in  some  measure,  perhaps,  to 
a  shallow  and  illiberal  scheme  at  Annapolis,  but  mainly 


CONCLUSION  337 

to  the  vigor  and  energy  with  which  the  whole  navy  has 
arisen,  from  the  enforced  lethargy  of  years,  to  adapt 
itself  to  new  conditions  and  the  engrossing  pursuits 
which  they  demand.  But  if  successive  phases  of  studied 
neglect  and  contempt  and  spasmodic  popularity  have 
left  the  service  untainted,  it  is  because  the  men  who 
compose  it  to-day,  whether  they  will  it  so  and  realize  it 
or  not,  are,  in  standard  and  ideal,  the  logical  heirs  and 
successors  of  a  preceding  generation. 

It  would  be  false  to  the  teachings  of  his  life  to  close 
a  review  of  Admiral  Davis's  career  in  any  other  spirit 
than  that  of  hopeful  expectation  and  encouragement. 
Unless  the  signs  of  the  times  are  wholly  illusory  the 
navy,  released  from  a  degrading  struggle,  against  bigotry 
and  caprice,  for  a  mere  continued  existence,  will  find  its 
acknowledged  place  as  a  factor  in  the  march  of  the 
nation  as  a  world-power,  even  towards  a  realization  of 
the  dream  of  universal  peace.  In  the  even  and  pro 
gressive  current  of  usefulness,  succeeding  not  only 
because  it  is  skillful  with  its  tools,  but  because  a  herit 
age  of  earnestness,  self-sacrifice,  and  devotion  is  its  own, 
it  may  learn  to  recognize  its  own  past,  and  the  lives  of 
the  men  who  made  it,  not  as  "  a  series  of  pictures  which 
please  us  more  or  less  according  to  the  attitudes  of  the 
principal  figures  and  the  beauty  of  the  coloring,  but  as 
the  records  of  living,  acting  men,  governed  by  exactly 
the  same  passions  and  motives  as  ourselves,  and  there 
fore  always  affording  us,  if  we  choose  to  analyze  their 
conduct,  the  surest  and  safest  rules  for  our  own  gov 
ernment  ;  for  the  interval  which  divides  us  from  any 
period  of  history  is  really  nothing  in  this  respect." 


INDEX 


ACADEMY,  National,  of  Sciences,  foun 
dation  of,  286,  289,  290;  plans  for 
organization  of,  292. 

Academy,  Naval,  board  of  visitors  to, 
94. 

Admiralty  board,  constituted,  117 ;  se 
cret  nature  of,  134. 

Agassiz,  Professor  Louis,  mentioned, 
106,  290,  291. 

Algiers,  the  Ontario  at,  56;  carries 
tribute  to,  56. 

Alliance,  triple,  against  Paraguay,  317. 

Ammen,  Daniel,  commander,  men 
tioned,  178 ;  with  Grant  in  the  Wil 
derness,  304. 

Angostura,  the  Wasp  before  the  bat 
teries  at,  326. 

Annapolis,  board  of  visitors  at,  94. 

Arkansas,  Confederate  ram,  mentioned, 
255,  256 ;  encountered  hi  the  Yazoo 
River,  263 ;  runs  through  the  Fed 
eral  fleet  at  Vicksburg,  262,  263 ; 
attempts  to  destroy  the,  265-268; 
destroyed,  275. 

Bache,  Professor  A.  D.,  superintend 
ent  Coast  Survey,  77 ;  mentioned,  82- 
84,  86,  98,  118,  121-124,  126,  129, 
142,  143,  153,  158,  167,  176,  193, 
213,  285,  288,  290, 291, 293 ;  quoted, 
84 ;  member  of  conference,  118, 124 ; 
last  illness  of,  308. 

Badeau,  Adam,  mentioned,  182; 
quoted,  188. 

Bahia,  the  United  States  at,  44. 

Barbados,  the  United  States  at,  44. 

Barbot,  Alphonse,  lieutenant,  men 
tioned,  297. 


Barnard,  J.  G.,  major,  member  of 
conference,  118,  124 ;  mentioned, 
158. 

Barnes,  J.  S.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
211. 

Barron,  Samuel,  commodore,  Confed 
erate  commander  at  Hatteras  Inlet, 
159. 

Barry,  W.  F.,  major,  mentioned,  155, 
156 ;  chief  of  artillery,  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  156. 

Baton  Rouge,  defended  by  the  army, 
275 ;  General  Williams  killed  in  the 
defense  of,  275. 

Beaufort,  S.  C.,  abandoned  by  the  Con 
federates,  191. 

Beauregard,  P.  G.  T.,  general,  men 
tioned,  147,  149,  230. 

Benton,  armored  gun  vessel,  descrip 
tion  of,  217;  flagship  Mississippi 
flotilla,  218;  mess  and  quarters  on 
board  the,  234 ;  lowers  boats  in  ac 
tion  to  save  drowning  enemy,  239. 

Biddle,  James,  commodore,  commands 
Mediterranean  squadron,  54 ;  de 
mands  report  on  officers,  57. 

Bingham,  Mr.,  American  missionary  at 
Honolulu,  mentioned,  39,  41. 

Board  of  Examination  created  for  new 
grades,  212. 

Boutelle,  C.  O.,  assistant  Coast  Sur 
vey,  mentioned,  167, 168. 

Bowditch,  Dr.  Nathaniel,  mentioned, 
89. 

Breese,  Thomas,  purser,  mentioned, 
65,  111. 

Bridge,  Horatio,  paymaster  -  general, 
mentioned,  293. 


340 


INDEX 


Brown,  I.  N.,  lieutenant,  commands 
ram  Arkansas,  272. 

Bryant,  N.  C.,  commander,  commands 
the  Cairo  at  Memphis,  238. 

Bull  Run,  effect  of  battle  of,  in  Wash 
ington,  150-154;  comments  on,  154, 
155. 

Bureau  of  Detail,  established,  116; 
mentioned,  121,  128,  133;  Davis  at 
the  head  of,  134. 

Bureau  of  Navigation  established, 
283-285. 

Burnside,  A.,  general,  mentioned,  306. 

Butler,  B.  F.,  general,  commands  army 
at  Hatteras  Inlet,  159;  mentioned, 
306. 

Byron's  Island,  the  Dolphin  at,  16 ;  hos 
tility  of  natives  of,  17;  natives  of, 
attack  Captain  Percival,  17-20 ;  de 
scription  of  natives  of,  20. 

Callao,  the  Dolphin  sails  from,  12 ;  the 
Vincennes  at,  61,  62. 

Cambridge,  description  of,  89-92. 

Caroline  Island,  the  Dolphin  at,  15. 

Casey,  Silas,  general,  mentioned,  288. 

Chain  cables  first  used,  8. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  projects  for  taking, 
194;  the  stone  fleet  sunk  at,  196, 
199,  200. 

Cincinnati,  gunboat,  sunk  at  Fort  Pil 
low,  227 ;  raised,  228. 

Clymer,  George,  surgeon,  mentioned, 
211. 

Coast  Survey  described,  75  et  seq. 

Columbus,  Tenn.,  Confederates  evacu 
ate,  218. 

Concord,  sloop,  Davis  applies  for, 
53. 

Conference,  commission  of,  mentioned, 
117,  124,  127,  133;  plans  of,  di 
vulged,  129,  134. 

Copenhagen,  the  Independence  at,  71. 

Corbin,  T.  G.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
184,  211. 

Corinth,  Tenn.,  operations  in  front  of, 
219 ;  evacuated,  236. 

Correspondents,  newspaper,  with  Port 
Royal  expedition,  199. 


Craven,  T.  T.,  midshipman,  mentioned, 

10. 

Cronstadt,  the  Independence  at,  66. 
Crystal  Palace  Exhibition,  Davis  serves 

as  superintendent  of,  94. 
Curtis,  S.  R.,  general,  mentioned,  274. 

Dahlgren,  J.  A.,  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  54;  keeps  a  journal,  57; 
rear  admiral,  286  ;  mentioned,  296 ; 
appointed  to  relieve  Du  Pont,  311. 

Dale,  J.  B.,  midshipman,  mentioned, 
62. 

Dallas,  G.  M.,  minister  to  Russia,  64, 
65. 

Dana,  R.  H.,  mentioned,  39,  42. 

Danish  Naval  School,  mentioned,  94, 
95. 

Davis,  Charles  Henry,  birth,  4 ;  enters 
the  navy,  5;  joins  frigate  United 
States,  7 ;  assigned  to  the  Dolphin, 
10 ;  accompanies  boat  expedition 
against  savages  at  Mulgrave  Islands, 
27 ;  joins  the  Erie,  46 ;  witness  be 
fore  Lieutenant  Percival's  court,  49 ; 
examined  for  promotion,  52;  ap 
pointed  sailing  master  of  Ontario, 
53;  promoted  lieutenant,  56;  ap 
pointed  to  Vincennes,  60 ;  commands 
bark  Vermont ,  62 ;  appointed  to  In 
dependence,  64  ;  enters  Coast  Survey, 
75 ;  discovers  Nantucket  New  South 
Shoal,  83  ;  founds  the  "  Nautical  Al 
manac,"  86,  87 ;  marriage,  89 ;  pro 
moted  commander,  94 ;  superintend 
ent  Crystal  Palace,  94;  serves  on 
board  of  visitors  to  Naval  Acad 
emy,  94 ;  delivers  address  to  graduat 
ing  class,  97;  commands  the  Saint 
Mary's,  100 ;  raises  the  siege  of  Rivas, 
102 ;  refits  at  Mare  Island,  105 ;  re 
sumes  superintendency  of  "  Nautical 
Almanac,"  113 ;  publishes  "  General 
Examination  of  the  Pacific  Ocean," 
113;  publishes  Gauss's  "  Theoria 
Motus  Corporum  Coalestium,"  113 ; 
on  duty  at  the  Navy  Department, 
116;  member  and  secretary  com 
mission  of  conference,  118;  head  of 


IXDEX 


341 


Bureau  of  Detail,  134;  member  of 
board  on  ironclad  ships,  135 ;  chief 
of  staff  South  Atlantic  blockading 
squadron,  156;  sinks  stone  fleet  on 
Charleston  bar,  196,  199,  200  ;  com 
mands  expedition  into  Warsaw 
Sound,  200;  engages  Tatnall's  flo 
tilla,  203,  204;  promoted  captain, 
205;  commands  the  Mississippi  flo 
tilla,  219,  222 ;  wins  the  naval  bat 
tle  of  Fort  Pillow,  225;  wins  the 
naval  battle  of  Memphis,  238-240 ; 
receives  surrender  of  Memphis,  240, 
241 ;  his  status  in  command,  249 ; 
cooperates  with  Farragut  at  Vieks- 
burg,  254  et  seg. ;  falls  ill  with  fever, 
273  ;  shifts  his  flag  to  the  Eastport, 
275 ;  relieved  by  Porter,  280 ;  chief 
of  Bureau  of  Navigation,  280 ;  pro 
moted  commodore,  282;  promoted 
rear  admiral,  286 ;  receives  vote  of 
thanks,  286 ;  receives  thanks  of  State 
of  Massachusetts,  286 ;  serves  on 
Guard  of  Honor  in  Lincoln's  funeral, 
310  ;  superintendent  of  the  Observa 
tory,  315 ;  publishes  "  Inter-Oceanic 
Railways  and  Canals,"  315;  mem 
ber  board  on  promotions,  315  ;  com 
mands  Brazil  station,  316 ;  lands  in 
force  at  Montevideo,  316;  makes 
demonstration  against  Paraguay, 
324 ;  his  conduct  in  Paraguay  inves 
tigated,  327 ;  made  LL.  D.  at  Har 
vard,  332  ;  commands  Norfolk  Yard, 
332 ;  returns  to  the  Observatory, 
332 ;  publishes  "  Narrative  of  North 
Polar  Expedition,"  333 ;  his  last  duty 
fixes  the  site  of  the  naval  station  at 
Port  Royal,  333;  his  death,  334; 
summary  of  his  character,  334. 

Davis,  family  of,  2. 

Davis,   Daniel,   judge,   the    admiral's 
grandfather,  3. 

Davis,  Daniel,  2d,  solicitor-general,  the 
admiral's  father,  3 ;  his  death,  63. 

Davis,  Frederic  Hersey,  the  admiral's 
brother,  64. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  mentioned,  84. 

Davis,  John,  captain,  mentioned,  3. 


Decatur,  Stephen,  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  62. 

Detail,  Bureau  of,  first  established, 
116;  mentioned,  121, 128,  133;  Da- 
vis  the  head  of,  134. 

Dewey,  George,  commodore,  men 
tioned,  165,  206. 

Dolphin,  schooner,  sails  from  Callao, 
12 ;  at  Payta,  13 ;  at  Gallapagos 
Islands,  13  ;  at  Marquesas  Islands, 
14 ;  at  Caroline  Islands,  15 ;  at  Duke 
of  Clarence  Island,  16 ;  at  Duke  of 
York  Island,  16  ;  at  Byron's  Island, 
16  ;  atMulgrave  Islands,  21 ;  at  Ped- 
dars  Island,  39 ;  at  Honolulu,  39 ; 
discovers  Hull  Island,  42  ;  at  Soci 
ety  Islands,  43 ;  at  Valparaiso,  43 ; 
returns  to  Callao,  43. 

Dove,  B.  M.,  commander,  commands 
the  Louisville  at  Memphis,  238. 

Downes,  John,  commander,  commands 
the  Nahant,  296  ;  present  at  capture 
of  the  Atlanta,  297. 

Drayton,  General,  Confederate  com 
mander  at  Hilton  Head,  160. 

Duke  of  Clarence  Island,  the  Dolphin 
at,  16. 

Duke  of  York  Island,  the  Dolphin  at, 
16. 

Du  Pont,  S.  F.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
54 ;  commander,  mentioned,  94  ;  cap 
tain,  member  retiring  board  of  1855, 
99 ;  member  of  conference,  118, 124  ; 
mentioned,  122,  124-127,  130,  149, 
153,  158 ;  letter  of,  131 ;  flag  officer, 
mentioned,  2,  58,  162,  163,  167- 
170,  172,  178-182,  184-188,  207, 
249;  commands  South  Atlantic 
blockading  squadron,  156;  com 
mands  Port  Royal  Expedition,  159 ; 
thanks  Captain  Eldridge  by  signal, 
177 ;  letters  of  Davis  to,  178,  208, 
211 ;  official  report  of,  179 ;  at  battle 
of  Port  Royal,  180;  takes  posses 
sion  of  territory  at  Port  Royal,  191 ; 
operations  of,  after  Port  Royal,  192  ; 
made  rear  admiral,  286  ;  relieved  of 
command,  214,  215,  293,  310 ;  men 
tioned,  289,  311,  312. 


342 


INDEX 


Eastport,  armored  gun  vessel,  flag 
ship  Mississippi  flotilla,  235;  aground 
above  Helena,  277. 

Eldridge,  captain  of  S.  S.  Atlantic,  skill 
of,  in  seamanship,  177 ;  thanked  by 
signal,  177. 

Ellet,  Colonel,  commands  rams  on  the 
Mississippi,  231 ;  mortally  wounded 
at  [(Memphis,  231 ;  mentioned,  232, 
236,  256,  263 ;  in  battle  of  Memphis, 
238. 

Ellet,  Lieutenant-colonel,  succeeds  Col. 
Ellet  in  command  of  rams,  232; 
mentioned,  256,  257,  263. 

Ellet's  rams,  description  of,  231. 

Ellsworth,  E.  E.,  colonel,  funeral  of, 
146. 

Emmons,  George,  commander,  men 
tioned,  121. 

Emperor  Nicholas  I.,  visits  the  Inde 
pendence  at  Cronstadt,  67 ;  men 
tioned,  66-69. 

England,  attitude  of,  toward  the 
United  States,  148,  292,  293,  300, 
301,  308. 

Ericsson,  J.,  mentioned,  135-137. 

Erie,  sloop,  sails  from  New  York,  47 ; 
encounters  a  hurricane,  47 ;  cruise 
of,  in  the  West  Indies,  48. 

Examination,  board  of,  for  new  grades, 
212. 

Farragut,  D.  G.,  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  45 ;  captain,  commands 
Mare  Island  yard,  105  ;  mentioned, 
106,  107,  126;  flag  officer,  men 
tioned,  219,  255-260,  262, 264,  265, 
267,  268,  271,  275  ;  passes  the  forts 
at  New  Orleans,  220  ;  invites  Davis 
to  cooperate  at  Vicksburg,  249  ;  his 
advance  up  the  Mississippi,  254  ; 
passes  the  batteries  at  Vicksburg, 
260 ;  made  rear  admiral,  286  ;  vice- 
admiral,  letter  of,  to  Davis  after  bat 
tle  of  Mobile  Bay,  312;  admiral, 
mentioned,  289  ;  chairman  board  on 
promotions,  315. 

Faxon,  Wm.,  chief  clerk,  Navy  Depart 
ment,  mentioned,  209, 212,  213. 


Fernandina,  Fla.,  expedition  to,  207 ; 
fall  of,  207. 

Ferrel,  Wm.,  mentioned,  88. 

Fitch,  G.  N.,  colonel,  military  com 
mander  at  Fort  Pillow,  224,  225; 
plans  attack  on  Fort  Pillow,  236, 
237 ;  mentioned,  237,  241 ;  takes  mil 
itary  possession  of  Memphis,  242. 

Flores,  Vernancio,  provisional  presi 
dent  of  Uruguay,  assassinated,  316. 

Flotilla,  Mississippi,  Rodgers  begins  or 
ganization  of,  216  ;  Foote  commands 
the,  217;  Davis  assumes  command 
of,  219,  222 ;  description  of  vessels 
of,  217. 

Folsom,  Rev.  Charles,  mentioned,  106. 

Foote,  A.  H.,  midshipman,  mentioned, 
10,  49,  50  ;  captain,  commands  Mis 
sissippi  flotilla,  217;  flag  officer, 
mentioned,  210,  220,  225,  230,  243, 
249-252;  hoists  his  flag,  218;  at 
Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  218 ;  at 
Island  No.  10,  219  ;  at  Fort  Pillow, 
219,  222 ;  wounded  at  Fort  Donel 
son,  222 ;  his  health  fails,  222  ;  asks 
for  Davis' s  aid,  222;  relieved  by 
Davis,  222 ;  sick  at  Columbus,  0., 
223 ;  reminiscences  of,  223  ;  writes 
to  Davis  after  Fort  Pillow,  229; 
gives  up  his  flag,  248 ;  made  rear 
admiral,  286;  mentioned,  291,  312, 
314 ;  appointed  to  relieve  Du  Pont, 
293,311;  last  illness  of,  293;  his 
character,  294 ;  death,  298  ;  funeral, 
298. 

Fort  Beauregard,  at  Bay  Point,  163 ; 
taken  by  the  fleet,  190. 

Fort  Donelson,  bombarded  by  Foote's 
flotilla,  218  ;  taken  by  assault,  218  ; 
Foote  wounded  at,  222. 

Fort  Henry,  surrenders  to  Foote, 
218. 

Fort  Moultrie  threatens  Fort  Sumter, 
115. 

Fort  Pickens  supplied  with  shell  by 
the  navy,  145. 

Fort  Pillow,  left  of  Confederate  line  in 
Tennessee,  219,  220;  bombarded, 
221 ;  plans  of  attack  on,  225,  233, 


INDEX 


343 


236 ;  description  of,  230 ;  evacuated, 
236,  237. 

Fort  Pillow,  naval  battle  of,  descrip 
tion,  223-228 ;  rejoicing  in  the  West 
over,  228;  comments  on,  229,  233, 
309. 

Fort  Pinckney  threatens  Fort  Sumter, 
115. 

Fort  Pulaski  mentioned,  162, 194, 201, 
202,  204. 

Fort  Sumter,  South  Carolina  demands 
surrender  of,  115. 

Fort  Walker,  at  Hilton  Head,  163 ; 
taken  possession  of  by  the  fleet,  190. 

Fox,  G.  V.,  chief  clerk  Navy  Depart 
ment,  mentioned,  122, 126  ;  assistant 
secretary  of  the  navy,  mentioned, 
128, 131, 132, 146,  193,  210, 212,  213, 
280, 296,  303,  304,  311 ;  Davis's  inti 
macy  with,  314. 

Francia,  Dr.  J.  G.  R.,  dictator  of  Para 
guay,  318. 

Frederick  VI.,  king  of  Denmark,  re 
ceives  officers  of  the  Independence, 
94;  comments  on  lack  of  naval 
school  in  United  States,  94. 

Freeman,  Constant,  Davis's  grandfa 
ther,  3. 

Freeman,  Constant,  2d,  colonel,  Davis's 
uncle,  4 ;  his  services,  4 ;  mentioned, 
5. 

Freeman,  Rev.  James,  Davis's  uncle,  3 ; 
rector  of  King's  Chapel,  3. 

Gallapagos  Islands,  the  Dolphin  at,  13. 

Gauss's  "  Theoria  Motus  Corporum  Cce- 
lestium,"  translated  by  Davis,  79, 
113. 

Gibraltar,  the  Ontario  at,  56. 

Goldsborongh,  L.  M.,  commodore,  men 
tioned,  170  ;  made  rear  admiral,  286. 

Globe,  whaleship,  mutiny  on  board 
the,  12 ;  search  for  the  mutineers  of, 
22-26 ;  particulars  of  mutiny  of,  34. 

Godon,  S.  W.,  rear  admiral,  relieved 
on  Brazil  station  by  Davis,  316 ;  con 
duct  of,  investigated,  327. 

Goode,  G.  B.,  quoted,  79. 

Gordon,  \Y.  L..  master  commandant, 


commands  the  Ontario,  56 ;  report 
of,  on  Lieutenant  Davis,  58. 

Gould,  Dr.  B.  A.,  mentioned,  290. 

Grant,  U.  S.,  general,  commands  in 
Tennessee,  218 ;  mentioned,  299, 306  ; 
in  the  Wilderness  campaign,  304; 
reinforced  in  the  Wilderness,  307. 

Gregory,  — ,  acting  master,  gallantry 
of,  at  Fort  Pillow,  226. 

Grimes,  J.  W.,  senator,  mentioned,  128, 
212,  213,  291. 

Guayaquil,  the  Vincennes  at,  62. 

Guerriere,  frigate,  receiving  -  ship  at 
Norfolk,  7. 

Guerriere,  steam  frigate,  Davis's  flag 
ship  in  Brazil,  316 ;  sails  from  Bos 
ton,  316;  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  316, 
323 ;  at  Montevideo,  316,  324. 

Gulick,  J.  S.,  paymaster,  mentioned, 
211. 

Gunboats,  Mississippi,  description  of, 
217. 

Hall,  C.  F.,  captain,  his  journals  pur 
chased,  333. 

Halleck,  H.  W.,  general,  mentioned, 
243. 

Hampton  Roads,  the  Port  Royal  Ex 
pedition  at,  166. 

Harvard  University,  Davis  enters,  4 ; 
takes  his  degree  at,  4,  75  ;  confers 
the  degree  of  LL.  D.  on  Davis, 
332. 

Hassler,  F.  R.,  superintendent  Coast 
Survey,  76,  77. 

Hatteras  Inlet,  expedition  to,  119; 
comment  on,  130 ;  report  of  secre 
tary  of  the  navy  on,  159. 

Havana,  the  Erie  at,  48. 

Hell  Gate,  plans  for  improvement  of, 
98. 

Henry,  Joseph,  secretary  Smithsonian 
Institution,  mentioned,  79,  84,  86, 
98, 142,  199,  285,  288,  293. 

Herschel,  Sir  John,  quoted,  88. 

Hilgard,  Julius,  mentioned,  291. 

Hindman,  General,  mentioned,  269. 

Hoff,  H.  K.,  lieutenant,  mentioned,  65  ; 
rear  admiral,  mentioned,  52. 


344 


IXDEX 


Hollins,  G.  N.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
54 ;  saves  the  Ontario,  struck  down 
in  a  squall,  55  ;  commodore,  Confed 
erate  commander  on  the  Mississippi, 
219 ;  organizes  northern  flotilla,  219 ; 
mentioned,  224. 

Honolulu,  the  Dolphin  at,  39  ;  the  Saint 
Mary's  at,  100. 

Hooker,  Joseph,  general,  mentioned, 
306. 

Hereford,  E.  N.,  mentioned,  291. 

Hull,  Isaac,  commodore,  mentioned,  5, 
8  ;  commands  Pacific  station,  7. 

Hull  Island,  discovery  of,  42. 

Hydrographic  Office  established,  284. 

Independence,  razee,  sails  from  Boston, 
64 ;  at  Southampton,  65 ;  at  Cron- 
stadt,  66 ;  at  Copenhagen,  71 ;  at 
Spithead,  71 ;  beaten  at  sailing  by 
H.  M.  S.  Pique,  71 ;  at  Madeira,  71 ; 
beats  H.  M.  S.  Wellesley  sailing,  71 ; 
beats  into  Rio  de  Janeiro,  72 ;  in 
the  River  Plate,  72 ;  returns  to  the 
United  States,  73  ;  receiving-ship  at 
Mare  Island,  105. 

Island  No.  10  surrenders  to  Foote's 
flotilla,  219. 

Jarvis  Island  surveyed  and  taken  pos 
session  of  by  Davis,  100. 

Johnston,  J.  E.,  general,  mentioned, 
147. 

Jones,  Jacob,  commodore,  relieves 
Commodore  Hull,  44. 

Kerhallet's  General  Examination  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  translated  and  pub 
lished  by  Davis,  113. 

Key  West,  the  Erie  at,  48. 

Kilty,  A.  H.,  commander,  commands 
the  Mound  City,  226 ;  mentioned  at 
Fort  Pillow,  226;  commands  in 
White  River,  246 ;  severely  wounded, 
246 ;  mentioned,  247. 

King  Frederick  VI.,  of  Denmark,  re 
ceives  officers  of  the  Independence, 
94 ;  comments  on  lack  of  naval  school 
in  United  States,  94. 


King  William  IV.,  of  England,  death 
of,  65. 

Kirkland,  W.  A.  commander,  com 
mands  the  Wasp,  322 ;  his  mission 
to  Asuncion,  322 ;  mentioned,  329. 

Lardner,  J.  L.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
65 ;  captain,  mentioned,  178. 

Lawrence,  James,  mentioned,  235. 

Lee,  R.  E.,  general,  mentioned,  299, 
307,  308;  in  the  Wilderness  cam 
paign,  304 ;  mistakes  of,  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  304  ;  his  losses  in  the  Wilder 
ness,  307. 

Lee,  S.  P.,  captain,  mentioned,  259. 

Lee,  W.  B.,  mentioned,  148,  149. 

Lesoffsky,  Captain,  Russian  naval  at 
tache4,  288. 

Lights,  running,  first  introduced,  172. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  personal  appear 
ance  described,  115  ;  mentioned,  209, 
304 ;  his  character,  301 ;  anecdote 
of,  303 ;  funeral  of,  310. 

London,  Davis  visits,  65. 

Lopez,  C.  A.,  dictator  of  Paraguay, 
318. 

Lopez,  F.  S.,  dictator  of  Paraguay, 
317  ;  succeeds  his  father,  319  ;  wages 
war  against  the  triple  alliance,  319  ; 
denounced  for  barbarity,  320 ;  his 
outrage  upon  the  American  minister, 
322;  mentioned,  325,  326,  328,  329; 
yields  to  Davis's  demand  for  repara 
tion,  326 ;  killed,  329. 

Loring,  E.  G.,  judge,  mentioned,  291. 

McBlair,  C.  H.,  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  11 ;  passed  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  54,  56  ;  sailing  master  of  the 
Ontario,  56. 

McClellan,  G.  B.,  general,  mentioned, 
130,  288 ;  in  Washington  after  BuU 
Run,  153,  154 ;  directs  completion  of 
Stevens  Battery,  221 ;  his  military 
character,  287,  288. 

McDowell,  Irwin,  general,  mentioned, 
155. 

McGunnegle,Wilson,  commander,  com 
mands  the  St.  Louis  at  Memphis,  238. 


INDEX 


345 


McKean,  W.  W.,  commodore,  men 
tioned,  207,  212,  221. 

Mackenzie,  A.  S.,  lieutenant  (see  also 
Slidell),  mentioned,  65. 

Madeira,  the  Independence  at,  71. 

Mare  Island  navy  yard,  the  Saint 
Mary's  at,  104  ;  Farragut  commands 
the,  105. 

Marquesas  Islands,  the  Dolphin  at,  14 ; 
the  Saint  Mary's  at,  100. 

Matanzas,  the  Erie  at,  48. 

Maury,  M.  C.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
86,  92,  98,  100. 

Meade,  G.  G.,  general,  mentioned, 
299. 

Meigs,  M.  C.,  colonel,  mentioned,  145, 
288. 

Memphis,  Tenn.,  Confederate  depot  at, 
222 ;  surrenders  to  Davis,  240. 

Memphis,  battle  of,  238,  239,  273; 
comment  on,  241-244,  309. 

Mills,  Hon.  E.  H.,  mentioned,  89. 

Minot,  William,  Davis's  brother-in- 
law,  4,  90. 

Mississippi  flotilla,  organization  of, 
under  War  Department,  216 ;  Rodg- 
ers  begins  organization  of,  216 ; 
Foote  commands  the,  217 ;  descrip 
tion  of  vessels  of,  217  ;  victories  of, 
at  Fort  Henry,  218,  Fort  Donelson, 
218,  Island  No.  10,  219,  Fort  Pillow, 
223,  Memphis,  273;  Davis  com 
mands  the,  222. 

Mississippi  River,  rise  and  fall  of,  276- 
279. 

Missroon,  J.  S.,  captain,  at  the  siege  of 
Yorktown,  288,  289. 

Monitor,  floating  battery,  board  on  de 
sign  of,  135 ;  mentioned,  135 ;  dis 
cussed,  135-140. 

Montevideo,  revolution  at,  316 ;  the 
Guerriere  at,  316, 324. 

Montgomery,  J.  E.,  captain,  commands 
Confederate  squadron  at  Fort  Pillow, 
224. 

Morris,  G.  U.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
212. 

Morris  Island,  batteries  on,  threaten 
Fort  Sumter,  115. 


Motley,  Lothrop,  mentioned,  148, 
149. 

Motley,  Thomas,  mentioned,  148. 

Mound  City,  gunboat,  sunk  at  Fort 
Pillow,  227 ;  raised,  228 ;  blown  up 
by  enemy's  shell  in  White  River, 
245  ;  great  loss  of  life  on  board  of, 
246. 

Mulgrave  Islands,  the  whaleship  Globe 
at,  12  ;  the  Dolphin  sails  from  Callao 
for,  12 ;  the  Dolphin  at,  21 ;  arrest 
of  the  mutineers  of  the  Globe  at,  21 
et  seq. ;  description  of  the  inhabit 
ants  of,  37,  38. 

Mullany,  J.  R.  M.,  captain,  mentioned, 
210. 

Mutiny  of  the  Globe,  12  et  seq.;  par 
ticulars  of,  34. 

Nantucket  Shoals,  survey  of,  82. 

Napoleon  I.,  quoted,  236  ;  mentioned, 
308. 

Napoleon  III.,  his  Mexican  project, 
308. 

Napoleon,  Prince  Jerome,  visits  head 
quarters  of  army,  155. 

NationalAcademy  of  Sciences,  founded, 
286, 289, 290 ;  plans  for  organization 
of,  292. 

Nautical  Almanac,  American  Ephem- 
eris  and,  founded,  86;  established 
in  Cambridge,  89;  Davis  superin 
tendent  of,  113 ;  Davis  resigns  su- 
perintendency  of,  134,  156;  Win- 
lock  succeeds  Davis  in,  134. 

Naval  Academy,  board  of  visitors  to, 
94 ;  Davis  advocates  establishment 
of,  94 ;  Davis  delivers  address  to 
graduating  class  at,  97. 

Naval  school,  Danish,  mentioned,  94, 
95. 

Navigation,  Bureau  of,  established, 
283-285. 

Navy  Department,  Davis  on  duty  in, 
116,  143. 

Navy,  Russian,  plan  of,  69,  70. 

Nesselrode,  Count,  Russian  chancellor, 
visits  the  Independence  with  the  Czar, 


346 


INDEX 


New  Nantucket  Island  surveyed  and 
taken  possession  of  by  Davis,  100. 

New  Orleans,  Farragut  passes  the  forts 
at,  220. 

New  South  Shoal,  discovery  of,  83. 

Newcomb,  Professor  Simon,  men 
tioned,  88. 

Newspaper  correspondents  with  Port 
Royal  expedition,  199. 

Nicholas  L,  Czar,  visits  the  Independ 
ence,  67 ;  mentioned,  66-69. 

Nicolson,  J.  B.,  commodore,  com 
mands  Brazil  station,  64,  65. 

Nourse,  Professor  J.  E.,  assists  in  Po 
laris  narrative,  333;  publishes  sec 
ond  volume  after  Davis's  death, 
333. 

Ontario,  sloop,  sails  from  New  York, 
54 ;  struck  down  in  a  squall,  55  ;  car 
ries  tribute  to  Algiers,  56  ;  fires  shot 
in  a  salute,  56 ;  at  Gibraltar,  56 ;  at 
Algiers,  56  ;  at  Smyrna,  56 ;  at  Port 
Mahon,  57 ;  returns  to  the  United 
States,  59. 

Palmer,  J.  S.,  captain,  mentioned,  259. 

Paraguay,  at  war  with  triple  alliance, 
317 ;  sketch  of,  317 ;  condition  of, 
320 ;  Davis's  demonstration  against, 
324. 

Paraguay  River,  climate  of,  324. 

Paulding,  Hiram,  lieutenant,  men 
tioned,  9,  19 ;  commands  boat  expe 
dition  against  savages,  27;  arrests 
mutineers  of  the  Globe,  29-33  ;  com 
modore,  mentioned,  102,  117,  121- 
123,  125,  128,  133,  134,  136,  143, 
146 ;  head  of  bureau  of  detail,  116. 

Payta,  the  Dolphin  at,  13. 

Peddars  Island,  the  Dolphin  at,  39. 

Peirce,  Professor  Benjamin,  men 
tioned,  63,  73,  79,  88,  89,  91,  123, 
290 ;  superintendent  Coast  and  Geo 
detic  Survey,  78. 

Peirce,  Professor  J.  M.,  mentioned, 
210. 

Pennock,  A.  M.,  captain,  mentioned, 
247,  274. 


Pensacola,  the  Erie  at,  48. 

Percival,  John,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
9,  40,  43;  commands  the  Dolphin, 
10 ;  adventures  of,  at  Byron's  Is 
land,  17-20 ;  discovers  and  names 
Hull  Island,  43 ;  saves  cargo  from 
wreck  of  the  London,  48  ;  court  of 
inquiry  on  conduct  of,  49 ;  acquitted, 
50. 

Perry,  M.  C.,  commodore,  mentioned, 
85,86. 

Perry,  O.  H.,  commodore,  mentioned, 
251. 

Perry,  0.  H.,  midshipman,  mentioned, 
62. 

Persano,  Admiral,  mentioned,  251. 

Phelps,  S.  L.,  lieutenant,  commands 
Benton,  227,  238;  his  estimate  of 
the  battle  of  Fort  Pillow,  227; 
quoted,  230;  mentioned,  234,  258, 
263,  266,  272. 

Pittsburg  Landing,  battle  of,  219. 

Poor,  C.  H.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
65. 

Pope,  John,  general,  mentioned,  243. 

Port  Mahon,  the  Ontario  at,  57. 

Porter,  David,  commodore,  mentioned, 
14,  15 ;  in  the  service  of  Mexico,  46. 

Porter,  D.  D.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
206,  259  ;  rear  admiral,  relieves  Da 
vis  on  the  Mississippi,  280 ;  admiral, 
quoted,  118,  119,  252 ;  chairman  of 
board  on  site  of  station  at  Port 
Royal,  333. 

Porter,  W.  D.,  captain,  commands  the 
Essex,  275;  destroys  the  ram  Ar 
kansas,  275. 

Port  Royal,  battle  of,  report  of  secre 
tary  of  the  navy  on,  160 ;  descrip 
tion  of,  162,  163 ;  results  of,  164, 
165,  191;  Davis  describes,  179  et 
seq. ;  plan  of,  183-185. 

Port  Royal  expedition,  119 ;  report  of 
secretary  of  the  navy  on,  158-160 ; 
general  account  of,  162 ;  at  Hamp 
ton  Roads,  166 ;  sails,  171 ;  order  of 
fleet  sailing  for,  171 ;  passes  Hat- 
teras,  173 ;  dispersed  in  bad  weather, 
175,  178;  anchors  outside  Port 


INDEX 


347 


Royal,  178 ;  reconnoissance  by,  182, 

183. 
Port  Royal,  forts  at,  taken  possession 

of,  190. 
Preble,  G.   H.,    commander,   fails  to 

capture  the  Florida  at  Madeira,  302. 
Preston,  S.  W.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 

211. 
Price,   Sterling,    general,    mentioned, 

269. 
Prussian  officers  and  commissioner  in 

the  United  States,  85. 

Queen  Victoria  proclaimed,  65. 

Quinby,  I.  F.,  general,  commands  army 
in  front  of  Fort  Pillow,  229;  men 
tioned,  230,  232,  233,  236,  243. 

Rams,  Ellet's  description  of,  231. 
Refugees  on  the  Mississippi,  234,  236. 
Retiring  board  of  1855,  Du  Font's  con 
nection  with,  99. 

Richardson,  J.  F.,  volunteer  lieutenant, 
his  estimate  of  the  battles  of  Fort 
Pillow  and  Memphis,  309. 
Richmond,    Va.,    Davis    visits     with 

Maury,  92. 

Ridgeley,  C.  G.,  commodore,  com 
mands  West  India  squadron,  46; 
mentioned,  49. 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  the  United  States  at, 
7;    the  Vincennes    at,   61;    the  In 
dependence  beats  into,  72  ;  the  Guer- 
riere  at,  316,  323. 
Rivas,  siege  of,  101 ;  Davis  raises  the 

siege  of,  102. 
River  Plate,  the  Independence  in  the, 
72  ;  political  conditions  in  the,  during 
Davis's  command  on  the  Brazil  sta 
tion,  316-319. 
Rodgers,  C.  R.  P.,  commander,  com 
mands  the  Wabash,  167 ;  mentioned 
173,  180,   184,  185,  210;  examines 
Warsaw  Sound,  197. 
Rodgers,  John,  commander,  hoists  the 
flag  at  Hilton  Head,  164 ;  mentioned 
180,   184,   185,  188,  202-204,    211 
296  ;  reconnoitres  Tybee  Island,  193 
begins  organization  of  the  Missis 


sippi    flotilla,    216  ;    captures    the 

Atlanta,295;  letter  of,  to  Davis,  296. 
losas,  J.  M.   O.,  dictator  of  Buenos 

Ayres,  mentioned,  72,  317. 
losecrans,  W.  S.,  general,  mentioned, 

299. 
lowan,  S.  C.,  vice  admiral,  member  of 

board  on   site   of    station    at    Port 

Royal,  333. 

Runkle,  Dr.  J.  D.,  mentioned,  88. 
Running  lights,  first  introduced,  172. 
Russian  navy,  plan  of,  discussed,  69,  70. 
ilyde,  the  Independence  at,  64. 

Saint  Mary's,  sloop,  Davis  commands, 
100 ;  at  Jarvis  Island,  100 ;  at  New 
Nantucket  Island,  100 ;  at  Sandwich 
Islands,  100 ;  at  Marquesas  Islands, 
100 ;  at  San  Juan  del  Sur,  101 ;  at 
Mare  Island  navy  yard,  104 ;  deser 
tions  from  crew  of,  105,  107-109; 
at  San  Francisco,  112. 

Saint  Petersburg,  Davis  visits,  69. 

Saint  Thomas,  the  United  States  at,  44. 

Sandwich  Islands,  the  Dolphin  at,  39  ; 
the  Saint  Mary's  at,  100. 

San  Juan  del  Sur,  the  Saint  Mary's  at, 
101. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  the  Erie  at,  48. 

Savannah,  Ga.,  projects  for  taking, 
194. 

Scott,  Winfield,  general,  mentioned, 
127,  145,  149,  197  ;  his  plans  of 
campaign  in  1861,  154 ;  his  com 
ments  on  Bull  Run,  155. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  secretary  of  state, 
mentioned,  127. 

Sherman,  T.  W.,  general,  commands 
army  in  Port  Royal  expedition,  162 ; 
mentioned,  166-170,  181,  182,  186, 
194-198,  201,  205,  279. 

Sherman,  W.  T.,  general,  mentioned, 
279. 

Shiloh,  battle  of,  219. 

Sigel,  Franz,  general,  mentioned,  306. 

Slidell,  Alexander,  lieutenant  (see  also 

Mackenzie),  65,  94. 

Smith,  C.  F.,  general,  commands  in 
Tennessee,  218. 


348 


INDEX 


Smith,  Joseph,  commodore,  mentioned, 
136,  212. 

Smith,  Joseph,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
212. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  mentioned,  78, 
79. 

Smyrna,  the  Ontario  at,  56. 

Southampton,  the  Independence  at,  64. 

South  Atlantic  blockading  squadron, 
formed,  156;  Du  Pont  commands 
the,  156 ;  Davis  chief  of  staff  of  the, 
156. 

Spithead,  the  Independence  at,  71. 

Stanton,  Edwin,  secretary  of  war,  men 
tioned,  303. 

Steedman,  Charles,  commander,  com 
mands  the  Bienville,  171. 

Stembel,  R.  N.,  commander,  commands 
the  Cincinnati,  224 ;  wounded  at 
Fort  Pillow,  224,  226. 

Stevens,  I.  I.,  general,  mentioned,  169. 

Stevens,  T.  H.,  master  commandant, 
commands  the  Ontario,  56. 

Stevens,  T.  H.,  rear  admiral,  quoted, 
72. 

Stevens  Battery,  Davis  inspects  the, 
221 ;  mentioned,  290,  291. 

Stewart,  Charles,  commodore,  relieved 
by  Commodore  Hull,  8. 

Stockton,  R.  F.,  commodore,  men 
tioned,  221. 

Stone  fleet,  the,  sunk  on  Charleston 
bar,  196,  199,  200. 

Stribling,  C.  K.,  commodore,  men 
tioned,  213. 

Stringham,  S.  H.,  flag  officer,  com 
mands  at  Hatteras  Inlet,  159. 

Strong,  J.  H.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
65. 

Tatnall,  Josiah,  commodore,  commands 
Confederate  flotilla  at  Port  Royal, 
163 ;  mentioned,  164,  198,  212  ;  en 
gagement  with,  in  Warsaw  Sound, 
203. 

Thatcher,  H.  K.,  midshipman,  men 
tioned,  10. 

Totten,  J.  G.,  chief  of  engineers,  men 
tioned,  98, 155,  170. 


Triple  alliance  against  Paraguay,  317. 
Turner,  Daniel,  master  commandant, 

commands  the  Erie,  47. 
Tybee  Island  taken,  193. 

United  States,  frigate,  sails  from  Nor 
folk,  7  ;  flagship  Pacific  station,  8  ; 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  7 ;  at  Valparaiso, 
7;  at  Callao  and  Chorillas,  8;  at 
Bahia,  44 ;  at  Barbados,  44 ;  at 
Saint  Thomas,  44  ;  paid  off  at  Nor 
folk,  44. 

Valparaiso,  the  United  States  at,  7; 
the  Vincennes  at,  61. 

Vermont,  bark,  Davis  commands  the, 
62 ;  voyage  of,  62. 

Vicksburg,  Miss.,  the  operations  of 
Farragut  and  Davis  before,  254  et  seq. 

Victoria,  Queen,  proclaimed,  65. 

Viele,  E.  L.,  general,  mentioned, 
198. 

Villepique,  General,  Confederate  com 
mander  at  Fort  Pillow,  230. 

Vincennes,  sloop,  sails  from  Norfolk, 
61 ;  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  61 ;  at  Val 
paraiso,  61 ;  at  Callao,  61,  62 ;  at 
Guayaquil,  62. 

Wabash,  steam  frigate,  Davis  takes 
passage  for  Aspinwall  in,  100 ;  Du 
Pont's  flagship  at  Port  Royal,  163. 
(See  also  Port  Royal  Expedition.) 

Wadsworth,  Alexander,  commodore, 
commands  Pacific  station,  60. 

Walke,  Henry,  captain,  commands  the 
Carondelet  at  Memphis,  238. 

Walker,  Rev.  James,  D.  D.,  mentioned, 
111. 

Walker,  S.  C.,  mentioned  88. 

Walker,  William,  invades  Nicaragua, 
100 ;  becomes  dictator,  101 ;  besieged 
at  Rivas,  101 ;  relieved  by  Davis, 
102 ;  sent  to  the  United  States,  102  ; 
returns  to  Nicaragua,  102 ;  arrested 
by  Commodore  Paulding,  102 ;  de 
fames  Davis,  103 ;  invades  Hondu 
ras,  103 ;  shot  at  Truxillo,  103 ;  men 
tioned,  103,  104,  110.  _ 


INDEX 


349 


Wallace,  Lewis,  general,  mentioned, 
246,  247. 

Warsaw  Sound,  expedition  to,  200; 
comments  on,  205. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  military  state  of, 
143-146  ;  social  conditions  in,  141  et 
seq. 

Wasp,  gunboat,  description  of,  321  ; 
her  mission  to  Asuncion,  321  (see 
also  Kirkland) ;  flagship  in  demon 
stration  against  Paraguay,  324  ;  be 
fore  the  Paraguayan  batteries  at 
Angostura,  326. 

Waterwitch,  surveying  vessel,  fired  on 
by  Paraguayan  battery,  318. 

Welles,  Gideon,  secretary  of  the  navy, 
mentioned,  131,  209,  213,  249,  253, 
280,  311 ;  his  report  on  the  Port 
Royal  expedition,  160. 

Wellington,  the  Duke  of,  mentioned, 
195. 

Whelan,  William,  surgeon  -  general, 
mentioned,  293. 

White  River,  expedition  to,  245,  246 ; 
the  Mound  City  blown  up  in,  245. 

Wilderness,  battles  in  the,  301. 

William  IV.,  king  of  England,  death  of, 
65. 


Williams,  Thomas,  general,  mentioned, 
255,  257,  259-262,  267,  268,  271; 
commands  the  army  before  Vicks- 
burg,  258;  cuts  a  ditch  across  the 
point  above  Vicksburg,  260,  261; 
holds  Baton  Rouge,  275 ;  killed,  275. 

Wilson,  Henry,  senator,  mentioned, 
290  ;  introduces  bill  to  incorporate 
the  National  Academy  of  Sciences, 
290. 

Winlock,  Professor  Joseph,  mentioned, 
88,  114;  succeeds  Davis  in  the 
"  Nautical  Almanac  "  office,  134. 

Woodhull,  Maxwell,  commander, 
mentioned,  116,  146,  151 ;  death  of, 
291. 

Woodward,  R.  S.,  quoted,  79. 

Worden,  J.  F.,  lieutenant,  mentioned, 
212. 

Wright,  Chauncey,  mentioned,  88. 

Wright,  H.  G.,  general,  mentioned, 
170 ;  in  expedition  to  Warsaw  Sound, 
201. 

Yazoo  River,  reconnoissance  of,  262  ; 

the  Arkansas  encountered  in,  263. 
Yorktown,   Va.,    Captain  Missroon  at 

the  siege  of,  288,  289. 


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